A Literary Approach to 1 and 2nd Kings/Melekiym

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[Why is Israel’s sacred scriptures included their national history where their failures and successes are recorded for all the world to read?  Imagine students and readers of the Hebrew Scriptures expecting to learn about God and how to live His way and yet they get far more than just laws and commandments, but a record of the interaction and communicationbetween God and His chosen people.  The book of Kings complement the other historical narratives such as Joshua, Samuel, Chronicles.  Here again is another commentary from our MUST READ/MUST OWN:  The Literary Guide to the Bible, eds. Robert Alter and Frank Kermode. Reformatted and highlighted for this post.]

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1 and 2 Kings:  George Savran
 
The writing of history, by its very nature, requires—
  • a selection of details,

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  • the imposition of a pattern of organization,
  • and the expression of the historian’s point of view.

For readers who wish to uncover ”what really happened,” such elements of deliberate organization are a barrier to be penetrated and discarded, for they only obscure whatever historical reality can be recovered. But for those of us who feel that the truth of the text lies in the telling, the analysis of the historiographer’s narrative strategies is a matter of primary importance.

 

The signs of a highly biased rendering of the history of Israel’s monarchy are visible to even the casual reader. Unlike the practice in other biblical books, the narrator makes constant reference to other works which complement his narrative, in order to make clear that he has chosen to tell only a part of the events of a given reign.
  • For further details about Solomon we are referred to ”the book of the acts of Solomon” (1 Kings 11:41),
  • and for the affairs of state of subsequent rulers to “the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah” (1 Kings 14:29) or to a similar work about the kings of Israel (1 King 14:19).
  • Each king is judged either good or bad in black-and-white terms, according to whether or not he “did right” or “did evil” in the sight of the Lord.

This evaluation is not reflective—

  • of the well-being of the nation,
  • of the king’s success or failure in war,
  • or of the moral climate of the times,

—-but rather of the state of cultic worship during his reign.

  • Those kings who shun idolatry and enact religious reforms are singled out for praise;
  • those who encourage pagan practices are denounced.

So important is this criterion that even a positive evaluation may be qualified by the king’s failure to do away with worship at shrines outside Jerusalem.

  • Thus Joash of Judah “did that which was right in the sight of the Lord” but is censured by the narrator because “the high places were not taken away” (2 Kings 12:2-3).
  • Hezekiah, on the other hand, is singled out for praise because of the program of cultic reorganization which he sponsored (2 Kings 18:1-6).
A further indication of the narrator’s bias is the categorical disapprobation of every ruler of the Northern Kingdom, regardless of his achievements.
  • The first king of the North, Jeroboam, breaks with the political and religious authority of Jerusalem and establishes alternative shrines in the old cult centers of Dan and Bethel (1 Kings 12:25-33).
  • He is censured severely for having had the audacity to reject the primacy of the Temple in Jerusalem and, worse, for having installed a golden calf as a cultic object in each place.
  • The narrator is largely unconcerned with the political and social motivations of Jeroboam’s revolt;
    • he and all his successors are depicted as unrepentant idolators of the worst kind,
    • who lead the entire nation into sin and, ultimately, into destruction and captivity.
It is possible to understand the peculiar slant of Kings toward the events it relates by seeing it in the context of the canonical books which precede it, as the final chapter of an overarching work which has been dubbed the Deuteronomic History.
This collection, consisting of—
  • Joshua,
  • Judges,
  • Samuel,
  • and Kings,

—betrays the influence of a school of thought which embraced the central tenet of Deuteronomy:

  • Israel’s presence in the land derives from its covenantal relationship with God,
  • the breaching of which will result in the people’s destruction and exile (see Deut. 28).

Other themes which reflect a strong Deuteronomic influence include—-

  • the ideal of the centralization of cultic worship in Jerusalem
  • and an intensive polemic, couched in a distinctive rhetoric, against idolatry.

These concerns stand behind the criticism of the many kings who allow worship to continue in the “high places” and underlie the condemnation of all Northern kings as well.

 

Yet despite its ideological affinities with the rest of the Former Prophets, Kings is fundamentally different in style.
  • There is no single figure, like Joshua, whose life serves as the organizing principle for the book.
  • Nor can we isolate a few major protagonists whose interaction, like that of Saul and David in 1 Samuel, creates a dramatic framework.
  • The overriding unity of Kings derives both from its presentation of a continuous history of Israel’s monarchy from Solomon to Zedekiah and from the formulaic language with which the reign of each king is outlined and evaluated by the narrator.
  • But at the same time there are unexpected changes in the type of material presented, with sudden shifts from dry, annalistic writing concerned with genealogy and chronology to sophisticated stories with elaborate plot and character development.
  • Judges bears some resemblance to Kings, with its cyclical pattern of oppression and salvation spanning two hundred years.This is a work which emphasizes the inexorability of that fate by its use of repetitive, stereotypical language and by a continuous demonstration of the reliability of prophecy.
    • But whereas Judges spins out of control toward the end, the collapse of its literary structure mirroring the breakdown of authority in society,
    • Kings marches steadily toward the terrible fate of the Northern Kingdom, then of the kingdom of Judah.
Structure
In 1 and 2 Kings the history of the monarchy is organized into three sections.
  • Chapters 1-11 of 1 Kings describe the United Monarchy, primarily during the reign of Solomon;
  • 1 Kings 12-2 Kings 17 relates the synchronistic history of the divided kingdoms of Judah and Israel down to the destruction of the latter in 722 B.C.E.;
  • and 2 Kings 18-25 recounts the subsequent fortunes of Judah through the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E.

But the thematic emphases of the book suggest an additional, chiastic structure:

A         Solomon/United Monarch                                        1 Kings 1:1-11:25
B         Jeroboam/Rehoboam; division of kingdom           1 Kings 11:26-14:31
C         kings of Judah/Israel                                                1 Kings 15:1-16:22
D         Omride dynasty; rise and fall of Baal cult in           1 Kings 16:23-2 Kings 12
            Israel and Judah
C’         kings of Judah/Israel                                                 2 Kings 13-16
B’         fall of Northern Kingdom                                             2 Kings 17
A’         kingdom of Judah                                               2 Kings 18-25

 

The outer perimeters of the chiasm, A and A’, correspond on the broadest thematic level.
The beginning of the work concentrates on the founder of the Davidic dynasty, and its final chapter describes the demise of its last official king (Zedekiah) and the pardoning of his predecessor (Jehoiachin) in Babylon.

 

As the central theme of the Solomon narrative is the building and dedication of the Temple, so the focus of the account of the kingdom of Judah is the ultimate fate of that Temple:
  • desecration by Manasseh (2 Kings 21),
  • renovation by Josiah (chaps. 22-23),
  • and destruction by the Babylonians (chap. 25).
  • The description of the despoliation of the Temple vessels in 2 Kings 25:13-17 corresponds to the order of their manufacture in 1 Kings 7.
Section B and B’ form an integral parallel to this pattern of rise and fall.
  • The Northern Kingdom is established by Jeroboam,At the center of B is the account of his building the infamous golden calves, which are strongly condemned by narrator and prophet alike (12:25-33).
    • who is first acclaimed as a divinely chosen alternative to Solomon’s son (1 Kings11:35)
    • but who becomes the very model of the apostate king.
  • In the corresponding section, B’, Israel’s ultimate fate mirrors that of Judah;The link between B and B’ is made explicit by the explanation of Israel’s destruction as the result of the idolatry begun by Jeroboam (2 Kings 17:16-18).
    • it is destroyed by a foreign power from the east,
    • and its people are exiled to Assyria.
Sections C and C’ alternate between the reigns of Northern and Southern kings and separate the creation and destruction of the Northern Kingdom from the long narrative of D.
  • This central section details the rise and fall of the Baal cult in Israel together with its royal patrons, the family of Omri, Ahab, and Jezebel;
  • it concludes with a short coda on the demise of Baal in Judah as well (2 Kings 11-12).

The exceptional length of D is out of proportion to the period of narrated time—eighteen chapters for about forty years.

 

The historical importance of the Omri dynasty notwithstanding, the central position of D within Kings is a function of the section’s presentation of a model for the victory of prophetic over monarchic forces.

 

Much of its narrative celebrates the Northern prophets—
  • Elijah,
  • Elisha,
  • and others

—in their successful fight against the idolatry sponsored by the crown.

In a manner parallel to the history of idolatry in B and B’,
  • the early stories of D depict the establishment of Baal worship in the Northern Kingdom (1 Kings 16:31-32, 18:4),
  • and the closing chapters describe its violent eradication in Israel (2 Kings 9-10)
  • and subsequent reforms in Judah (chaps. 11-12).

Closer to the center of are—

  • Elijah’s commission to anoint the leaders who will assist in this removal (1 Kings 19:15-18)
  • and Elisha’s execution of this task (2 Kings 8:7-15, 9:1-3).
  • The midpoint of D is 2 Kings 2, which tells of Elijah’s ascent to heaven and his succession by Elisha.

Although royal succession is frequently described in Kings,

this is the only account of the transfer of the mantle of prophesy in the entire Bible.
By placing the idea of prophetic continuity at the very center of his work,
the narrator emphasizes that as long as dynastic kingship continues,
there will be a corresponding prophetic response.
Characterization and Moral Judgment

 

While the narrator’s bias is apparent in his frequent use of the refrain “and X did evil in the sight of the Lord,” more detailed analysis reveals subtler techniques which provide insight into the particular narrative art of Kings. The following examples of characterization describe the interplay between such explicitly judgmental commentary and more artful techniques employed in the narrative itself.

 

The rendering of Solomon’s kingdom into the independent monarchies of Judah and Israel is explained in 1 Kings 11 as divine retribution for the king’s sins. But the account of the rebellion (1 Kings 12:1-19) is told from the perspective of the people’s dissatisfaction with his son Rehoboam:
Thy father made our yoke grievous: now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee.

 

Their request is stated in full in 12:4 and is referred to repeatedly by Rehoboam and his advisers.

 

The first group of counselors, the elders, receive the narrator’s blessing for their affiliation with the successful Solomon, having “stood before Solomon his father, while he yet lived” (v. 6), and for their awareness of the immediate need for “good words” (v. 7) to defuse a dangerous situation. Their attention to the final words of the people’s request—“If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day, and wilt serve them … then they will be thy servants for ever” (12:7)—conveys an impression of seasoned advisers who understand the importance of exchanging temporary concessions for long-term stability.

 

But association and repetition can be worked both ways; the younger advisers are derogatorily called yeladim, “children,” or perhaps ‘young upstarts,” and are identified by age and by temperament with the new king. In 12:9-10 the king and the yeladim also refer to the people’s words, quoting their petition in direct speech, but they cite only their call for concessions and ignore the promise of loyalty which has formed the basis for the elders’ advice. Their inappropriate counsel justifies the designation “children” and suggests Rehoboam’s anxiety about being able to live up to the model of his father: “My little finger shall be thicker than my father’s loins” (12:10). The narrator closes the episode by highlighting the popular response to Rehoboam’s inept statesmanship in word—“What portion have we in David?”—and in deed—“and all Israel stoned him with stones” (12:16-18).

 

The second evaluation of Rehoboam (14:21-24) is more explicitly judgmental: the narrator denounces him in the stereotypical language of Kings as an idolator, in a manner which requires no further comment. This condemnation is followed by a report of the invasion of Judah by Shishak of Egypt (14:25-28), a report which in itself is wholly neutral toward Rehoboam. The two sections are juxtaposed simply by asyndetic parataxis (the King James Version’s “and” at the beginning of 14:25 is misleading), nor does there appear to be any substantive connection between them. However, the absence of any other explanation for the attack, combined with the prejudicial effect of the narrator’s condemnation, creates the impression that Rehoboam’s defeat is the inevitable result of his idolatrous behavior. Even the innocuous reference to the replacement of Solomon’s gold shields with bronze ones takes on a negative coloration when read as part of the larger context: Rehoboam’s use of an inferior metal calls and reinforces the unfavorable comparison between father and son in chapter 12.

 

The resulting critical portrait of the king is enriched by multiple perspectives:
  • the people’s perception of the king as insensitive to their demands,
  • divine disapproval in 14:21-24,
  • and the narrator’s implicit linkage of sin with historical misfortune.
In the preceding example, all three perspectives reinforce one another to present a consistently critical picture of the king.

 

The depiction of Ahab is more complex, for although the narrator’s explicit judgment is highly critical, more positive aspects of the king are brought out in other sections. In the introduction to Ahab’s reign the narrator, going beyond his usual condemnation of Israelite kings, denounces Ahab and his father Omri as more wicked “than all that were before them” (1 Kings 16:25, 30). Worse, Ahab surpasses even Jeroboam in displeasing God: “as if it had been a light thing for him to walk in the sins of Jeroboam son of Nebat, that he took to wife Jezebel the daughter of Ethbaal king of the Zidonians, and went and served Baal, and worshipped him” (16:31).

 

But in the narrative itself, the king’s interaction with Elijah and other prophets seems to belie this unfavorable verdict. Ahab may have hostile words for Elijah,
  • but he is ever obedient to the prophet’s commands,
  • gathering together the people (18:19),
  • eating and drinking (18:41),
  • and preparing his chariot (18:44).

In 1 Kings 20 he complies with the oracles of an unnamed prophet (vv.13, 28) and is rewarded with successive victories over his Aramean enemies. But the most surprising moment of obedience follows Elijah’s vitriolic denunciation of the king in the next chapter (21:20-26), where Ahab rends his clothing and fasts in a profound display of repentance. The narrator underscores the sincerity of the king’s behavior by citing God’s approval in direct speech to Elijah, which includes a stay of execution till the next generation (vv. 28-29). What is the role of such servility and contrition in the portrayal of this wickedest of wicked kings?

 

The counterpoint to Ahab’s submissiveness to God and prophet is to be found in the king’s willing capitulation to whoever confronts him, regardless of politics or moral standards.
  • The first hint of this occurs in 1 Kings 18:4; the persecution of the prophets of the Lord may be attributed to Jezebel, but we hear nothing of Ahab’s reactions.
  • Further, Ahab’s failure to reply to his wife’s threat to execute Elijah in 19:2 detracts from the sincerity of his support for the prophet in the previous chapter.
  • The pattern continues in chapter 20, where Ahab accedes to his enemy’s appeal for mercy and incurs the wrath of the anonymous prophet in verses 35-43.
The most devastating criticism of Ahab occurs in the tale of Naboth’s vineyard in 1 Kings 21. Naboth rejects the king’s offer of purchase because the property is nahalat ‘avotai, “the inheritance of my fathers,” whose sale outside the family is expressly forbidden (Lev. 25:23; Num. 27:1-11, 36:7). Ahab is characteristically submissive, but the use of the words sar weza’ef, “heavy and displeased” (21:4), to express his dissatisfaction recalls the king’s identical reaction to prophetic criticism in20:43. As the first signals a departure from his unqualified obedience to prophetic authority, the second indicates his impatience with the traditional religious values of his community. In recounting the conversation to Jezebel, he misrepresents Naboth’s unwillingness to sell as a personal rejection. In 21:6 Ahab misquotes Naboth’s refusal by substituting “vineyard”—mere property—for the all-important reference to patrimony. He also replaces Naboth’s oath, “The Lord forbid it me” (21:3), with a flat personal refusal: “I will not give thee my vineyard.” The placement of the indirect object immediately after the verb further indicates Ahab’s sense of having been insulted, as if Naboth had said: “Perhaps I would sell to someone else, but not to you.

 

From this point on, the case against Ahab is built upon his silent acquiescence in Jezebel’s promise: “I will give thee the vineyard of Naboth” (21:7). He does not ask how she intends to succeed where he has failed, nor does he take any interest in the legal proceedings against Naboth. The pattern of repetition in verses 15 and 16 indicts both the murderess and her silent partner:
And it came to pass, when Jezebel heard that Naboth was stoned, and was dead
And it came to pass, when Ahab heard that Naboth was dead …

 

Ahab’s indifference to how or why Naboth has died (note the absence of the detail “stoned” in Jezebel’s report) and his complete submission to the authority of Jezebel are further elements in the narrator’s criticism of the king. Ahab’s show of repentance in 21:27 does not rehabilitate him in the eyes of the reader but simply deepens the impression of his inconstancy. The narrative strategy has been to undercut the redeeming quality of Ahab’s obedience by exposing it as weakness of character. The king is revealed to be an opportunist who will follow whoever leads him, whether for good or for bad, and he is not pushed to the wall until 1 Kings 22. The placement of this narrative at the conclusion of his portrait is crucial, for Ahab must finally choose between two mutually exclusive claims to the truth. That he chooses badly, and dies for it, is the final element in the narrator’s argument.

 

Whereas the narrator’s explicit judgments of Rehoboam and Ahab are completely negative, his evaluation of Jehu ben Nimshi (2 Kings 10:29-36) is more equivocal. Because Jehu has brought down Ahab’s line and routed out the worship of Baal, he is praised by God for having done “that which is right in mine eyes” (v. 30) and is promised a continuation of his dynasty for four generations. But the narrator is a more severe critic than the deity, for whatever Jehu’s accomplishments, the narrator condemns him for being guilty of the same apostasy as Jeroboam. Further, by closing with the comment  “In those days the Lord began to cut Israel short” (v. 32), he implies that God not only has qualified his earlier approval of Jehu but also passed sentence upon the entire kingdom of Israel because of his deeds. How is this ambiguous verdict reflected in the narrative account of Jehu’s achievements?

 

In a connected series of vignettes in 2 Kings 9-10, Jehu is proclaimed king by his fellow army officers and proceeds to assassinate King Joram of Israel, the queen mother Jezebel, and their ally King Ahaziah of Judah. Continuing in an ever-widening circle of carnage which claims numerous kinsmen and supporters of the house of Ahab, the destruction culminates in a scene reminiscent of Odysseus’ vengeance upon his wife’s suitors, in which all adherents of Baal are trapped within their temple and mercilessly slaughtered. The intensity with which Jehu acts is reflected in his constant movement throughout the narrative in 9:14-37 (the verbrakab, “to ride,” recurs ten times in this section). In 9:20 Joram’s lookout sees Jehu “driving … furiously,” refusing to rest until his enemies are destroyed. The repeated use of the greeting hashalom, “Is it peace?” by Joram and his messengers (9:17, 19, 22) serves as a foil for Jehu’s repudiation of their overtures: “What hast thou to do with peace?” (9:19). The only shalom which is of concern to Jehu is the avenging of Naboth’s death—“I will requite [shilamti] thee” (9:26)—in accordance with Elijah’s oracle.

 

Jehu’s victory over the house of Ahab and his elimination of Baal worship seem to make an overwhelming case for regarding him in a positive light as a divinely appointed avenging angel. But there is something suspicious in the way Jehu conveniently has a divine oracle ready to defend his every action, as he does in 9:26, 9:36, and 10:10. Oracles are nearly always spoken by a prophet or by the narrator himself, but Jehu dares to assume the authority reserved for the prophetic voice in quoting and interpreting the words of Elijah. When we realize that all those connected with the house of Ahab are the essential political targets of his coup d’etat—including Joram’s Judean ally, Ahaziah—the extent of divine support for Jehu’s bloodbath is thrown into question. And as it becomes clear that Jehu is not a prophet, the difference between him and Elijah is brought into focus:
  • in 1 Kings 18, Elijah the prophet is concerned with repentance; he seeks to turn the hearts of Israel back to God and executes only the prophets of Baal.
  • Jehu the king, on the other hand, is motivated by political considerations; in 2 Kings 10 he destroys all those who worship Baal, for they are potential enemies of the new regime.
The narrator’s strategy, then, is to speak approvingly of the destruction of Ahab and Baal but to cast doubts upon Jehu’s motives as well as his methods. In order to maintain this ambivalent attitude toward the king, Jehu is censured through a variety of indirect means. The sequencing of the episodes creates the impression of a man whose enthusiasm for killing increases with every life he takes, as the tabulation of victims changes from specific “body counts” (seventy sons of Ahab, forty-two kinsmen of Ahaziah) to an inestimable number in the temple of Baal. There are constant references to the totality of the slaughter:
  • “he left him none remaining” (10:11);
  • “neither left he any of them” (10:14);
  • “Go in, and slay them; let none come forth” (10:25).

All this bloodshed seems to stimulate Jehu’s appetite in a literal way as well.The unusually graphic description of Jezebel’s death—“So they threw her down, and some of her blood was sprinkled on the wall, and on the horses, and they trampled her” (9:33 [AR])—is followed immediately by: “Then he went inside, and he ate and drank” (9:34 [AT]).

 

Other facets of Jehu’s character are revealed by the presentation of uncomplimentary contrasts between the new king and his victims.
  • Despite the narrator’s overall disapproval of Joram, he portrays him as a wounded war hero—“Joram and all Israel had been protecting Ramoth-gilead against Hazael, king of Aram” (9:14 [AT])—In 10:1-11 he dupes the guardians of Ahab’s children into killing their wards in the vain hope of saving their own necks. Jehu’s mistreatment of the remains of the victims violates the biblical ethic of proper treatment of the dead (Deut. 21:22-23, 2 Sam. 21:10-14).
    • whereas Jehu takes advantage of Joram’s infirmity and brazenly shoots him dead with no warning.
  • His self-righteous condemnation of the elders for a crime which he himself has forced them to commit appears as a weak attempt to justify his own behavior: “O, you righteous people! True I conspired against my own master and killed him, but who has slain all these?” (10:9 [AT]).
  • In the brief account of Jehu’s attack on the kinsmen of Ahaziah of Judah (10:12-14), the victims’ own words emphasize their peaceful intentions: “We are going to pay our respects [shalom] to the king and to the children of the queen” (v. 13 [AT]). But as with Joram and Jezebel, the mention of shalom is the kiss of death.
  • The lack of congruence between Jehu’s words and his actions leads us to sympathize with the victims, at the expense of the “hero.”
  • His command “Take them alive” (v. 14) at first appears to respect the claims of the Judeans and to signal an end to the violence. But the immediate mention of their slaughter frustrates our expectations and makes these deaths seem all the more cruel and sadistic, as if the capture were simply for the pleasure of killing.
Even though all criticism of Jehu originates with the narrator, he sometimes camouflages its source by placing such commentary in the mouths of the characters. Thus, when Joram’s watchman describes Jehu as “driving madly” (beshiga’on, 9:20 [AR]), he uses the same pejorative with which Jehu’s fellow officers describe the “mad” prophetic disciple (hameshuga’) in 9:11. This technique can be effective even when the speaker is portrayed as a hostile figure. In 9:23 Joram warns of mirmah, “treachery,” on Jehu’s part; here the sudden shift to the victim’s perspective garners sympathy for Joram as the object of unfair advantage. Even Jezebel is employed by the narrator to criticize Jehu. Her provocative challenge to Jehu in 9:31, hashalom zimri horeg ‘adonaw, can be translated “Is all well, you Zimri, murderer of his master?” [AT], equating Jehu with the officer who assassinated King Elah of Israel some forty years earlier, at the encouragement of a prophet named, ironically, Jehu ben Hanani (1 Kings 16:8-12). Her words can also be rendered “Had Zimri peace, who slew his master?” as in the King James Version, making reference to the fact that Zimri ruled for only seven days before he himself was reviled by the people and committed suicide (1 Kings 16:15-18). Despite Jezebel’s obvious prejudice, there is enough truth in her words to identify Jehu with the kings who commit murder to usurp the throne of Israel.

 

Solomon
The account of Solomon’s life is far lengthier than that of any other king, at least in part because of the historical importance of his activities. But the Solomon narrative is also central to the thematic development of Kings, giving expression to key motifs which run throughout the book.
Solomon serves as a prototypical figure in both a positive and a negative sense.
  • As the ideal king, he is the legitimate heir to David’s kingdom and to his covenant with God,
  • the very model of material and political success,
  • and the builder of the Temple.
  • But he also exemplifies the good king
    • whose heart is turned to idolatry,
    • whose ultimate fate shows that the divine promise is not unconditional and can be revoked, as happens subsequently to Jeroboam, and to Baasha after him.
The first two chapters of Kings —
  • mark both a beginning and an ending;
  • as a continuation of the account of David in Samuel,
  • they recount the twilight years of David’s reign.
  • They focus upon his impotence in old age,
  • his manipulation by those around him,
  • and the last-minute recovery so characteristic of him.

But as the opening chapters of the work whose topic is the period subsequent to that monarchy, 1 Kings: 1-2 should be seen as the introduction to the story of Solomon.

  • In the first chapter he is the passive recipient of the throne,
  • but in the second he actively demonstrates his ability to carry out his father’s orders,
  • as well as his own sense of self-preservation in finishing off his rival, Adonijah.
  • Like his father,With the military and the cult under his control, Solomon has buttressed his position and come into his own as a ruler.
    • Solomon promotes his own chief of staff (Benaiah)
    • and installs his own priestly family (Zadok).
After an introduction emphasizing the determination, if not ruthlessness, with which he consolidates his authority, the Solomon who appears in the next eight chapters seems like a different person.
  • No violence or intrigue of any sort clouds the image of the wise and successful king whose main concerns are the extent of his mercantile domain and his ambitious building projects, including the construction of a fitting temple for his God.
  • Throughout this section there is little narrative drama. The tale of the two prostitutes in 3:16-28 is the only episode with some degree of tension, and the only text in which Solomon interacts directly with the people.
  • Otherwise he is the recipient of praise and honor from both God and man,
  • and the controlling force behind a wealthy empire which knows no threats to its prosperity.
  • In chapters 3 and 4 the emphasis is on Solomon’s wisdom;
    • in a vision at Gibeon, God promises him the knowledge necessary to judge the people, to “discern between good and bad” (3:9).
    • The story of the prostitutes demonstrates this wisdom in action;
      • not only is the king capable of uncovering the truth,
      • but the justice he declares is life-sustaining—“Give her the living child, and in no way slay it” (3:27).
  • In contrast to David’s reign,
    • the kingdom is at peace,
    • with “every man under his vine and under his fig tree” (4:25),
    • Solomon receiving both physical tribute and considerable fame from his neighbors roundabout.
All this wealth and respite from war are now exploited for the greatest of the king’s endeavors, the building of the Temple in Jerusalem.
  • Fully half of the material on Solomon (5:1-9:9) is devoted to this project.
  • The narrative moves slowly and with great attention to detail, giving a sense of grandeur and completeness.
  • Unlike the text describing the building of the tabernacle in Exodus 25-40, Solomon is not instructed in the design of this sanctuary; we are spared a tedious account of the process of construction.
  • The architectonics of the Temple is presented not as the embodiment of a heavenly blueprint but as a practical demonstration of Solomon’s much-lauded wisdom.
  • It is Solomon who claims to have built this “house” in 8:13, and the narrator attributes to him a great deal more of the credit than Moses receives for the tabernacle.
  • The building process moves from without to within, beginning with the hewing and dressing of the great stones for the foundations, to the erection of the outer frame, the decoration of the inner walls, and the fashioning of the tools and utensils essential to the Temple service.
The majestic culmination of the whole process occurs in chapter 8, where
the ark is brought inside the Temple
with great ceremony before all the people,
and sacrifices of unprecedented proportions are offered to consecrate the sanctuary.
At the center of the account stands Solomon’s long prayer, in which he gives expression to the basic theological contradiction inherent in the very construction of the Temple.
  • “But will God indeed dwell on the earth?”
  • The answer is both yes and no: “behold, the heaven and heaven of heavens cannot contain thee; how much less this house that I have builded?” (v. 27).
  • Solomon continues, quoting God’s own authorization, explaining God’s indwelling as a state of constant attentiveness: “That thine eyes may be open toward this house night and day, even toward the place of which thou hast said, My name shall be there” (v. 29).
  • This interpretation of God’s presence is essential to Solomon’s definition of the Temple as the focal point of all prayer.
  • Even when the suppliant is physically dislocated from the site, his prayer is deemed most effective when directed toward the earthly locus of worship.
What is the most unusual about Solomon’s prayer is that it is not a petitionary response to a problem, an expression of thanksgiving, or praise for some moment of deliverance. It is rather, a prayer about prayer.
  • To be sure, Solomon begins by asking God to continue to fulfill his promise to David,
  • but the greatest part of his prayer is about future petitions to be made in response to both natural and historical crises:
    • famine,
    • pestilence,
    • disease,
    • and defeat in war.
  • God is implored to listen and respond in the future;
    • the refrain “then hear thou in heaven” recurs seven times.
    • There is here a mixture of optimism and fear,
    • an intimation that God will be attentive to future prayers,
    • as well as a sense of foreboding about future disasters.
  • Most distressing in the final plea in 8:46-53,
    • where captivity is mentioned,
    • but not the return to the land,
    • despite the reference to the Exodus in the very last verse.
    • In light of Israel’s fate at the end of Kings, the passage has a near-prophetic quality.
From this point on, the narrator’s treatment of Solomon begins to change.
In Solomon’s second vision at Gibeon (1 Kings 9)
  • God accepts his prayer and again affirms his dynastic promise.
  • But in contrast to chapter 3,
    • the threat of destruction of Solomon’s line and of the Temple itself
    • emphasizes the conditional nature of the covenant
    • and makes that final section of his dedicatory prayer seem all the more ominous.
  • The Temple no longer stands at the center of Solomon’s world,
    • and the projects described are undertaken for the king’s own glory.
    • Verse 26 begins a long catalogue of Solomon’s wealth:
      • his fleet of ships,
      • shields and bucklers of gold,
      • an elaborate ivory throne of unprecedented proportions,
      • chariots and horses,
      • not to mention the vast quantities of gold, precious gems, and spices received in tribute.

Despite the praise of Solomon by the Queen of Sheba, this whole section is cast in a negative light by the ominous warning in 9:6-9 and by the narrator’s overtly critical attitude in chapter 11.

We cannot escape the impression that Solomon’s marriages to “foreign women”
  • are tied to the far-flung trading ventures which have brought him his wealth,
  • and that the narrator’s condemnation of the former implies a criticism of the latter.
  • Solomon’s straying may have been simply a policy of accommodation for his wives
    • rather than reflecting an intrinsic belief in other gods.
  • But in the eyes of the narrator,
    • the size of the harem
    • and the corresponding number of temples
    • leave no doubt about the extent of his idolatry.
The remainder of the Solomon narrative alternates between—-
  • oracles promising the rending of the kingdom
  • and descriptions of rebellions against Solomon’s authority by internal and external enemies.

These first mentions of challenges to the king’s authority effect a sharp change from the calm optimism that has previously characterized the narrative, reinforcing the narrator’s claim that these are punishments for Solomon’s idolatry.

 

For the first time since chapter 2, Solomon has a rival to contend with, in the person of Jeroboam, and he again seeks to use violent means to deal with him. Of greater portent is Solomon’s unprecedented lack of success, which presages the rebellion to come.

 

Three Themes
 
I.  The Covenant with David
Solomon represents the actualization of God’s covenant with David as it is formulated in 2 Samuel 7:11b-12:
Also the Lord telleth thee that he will make thee an house. And when thy days be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will set up thy seed after thee, which shall proceed out of thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom.

 

Inasmuch as the “house” referred to here means dynastic succession, Solomon’s ascent to the throne is the beginning of the fulfillment of that promise. Thus everything which Solomon undertakes, from building projects to foreign trade, is seen as a concrete manifestation of the trustworthiness of that covenant with David.

 

The promise continues to be of central importance for subsequent generations.
  • On a national level, the covenant guarantees the continued survival of Judah.
    • The narrator repeatedly justifies Judah’s resilience to dangers from without and within—
      • Jeroboam’s rebellion (1 Kings 11:12-13),
      • God’s anger over the sins of Abijam and Jehoram (1 Kings 15:4-5, 2 Kings 8:19),
      • the near-fatal attack of Sennacherib (2 Kings 19:34, 20:6)—
    • in terms of God’s commitment to his dynastic promise to David.
But this promise, whose unconditional and eternal quality had been stressed in the original vision in Samuel, is reinterpreted as dependent upon the behavior of the king:
If thou wilt walk before me, as David thy father walked … Then I will establish the throne of thy kingdom upon Israel for ever … But if ye shall at all turn from following me … Then I will cut off Israel out of the land which I have given them … ( 1 Kings 9:4-7)

 

This rereading is crucial to Kings, for it indicates that what had been seen as a source of hope and reassurance to Israel serves also to foreshadow its destruction.

 

Although all kings are judged in terms of the good or evil they do “in the sight of the Lord,” more than a third of the kings of Judah are also held up to the mirror of David’s exemplary behavior.
  • Thus Asa of Judah is praised for having pleased the Lord “as did David his father” (1 Kings15:11),
  • whereas his father Abijam is excoriated because “his heart was not perfect with the Lord his God, as the heart of David his father” (15:3).
  • Solomon himself is first praised, then criticized according to this criterion (1 Kings 3:3, 11:4-6).
  • Even Jeroboam of Israel is promised great things if he will follow in David’s path, and is subsequently condemned for his failure to do so (1 Kings 11:38, 14:8).
  • Perhaps the most striking illustration is found in the comment on Amaziah of Judah, who “did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, yet not like David his father” (2 Kings 14:3).
  • One could please God yet still fail to measure up to the Davidic prototype.
II.  The Temple
The central event of Solomon’s rule, the building of the Temple in Jerusalem, is intimately bound up with the dynastic promise to David: “He shall build a house for my name, and I will establish the throne of his kingdom for ever” (2 Sam. 7:13). The account of the building process begins with the acquisition of materials from Hiram of Tyre, who “was ever a lover of David,” that is, a treaty partner (1 Kings 5:1). Solomon’s dedicatory prayer begins, appropriately, with a threefold reference to the covenant with David (8:24-26). The entire building narrative is ringed by two revelations to Solomon at Gibeon, emphasizing both his adherence to the Davidic model of obedience and God’s intention to fulfill his promise to David (3:6, 9:4-5).
  • The presence of the Ark of the Covenant within the Temple is an essential part of the building’s sanctity.
  • The ark contains the stone tablets which are the physical representation of the covenantal relationship between God and Israel, while externally it serves as a pedestal for the deity.
  • The relocation of the ark makes the Temple the guardian of that covenant, as well as the new resting place of God; immediately after it is brought in, the presence of the Lord fills its precincts (8:10).
  • The Temple is a sacred center, a point of contact between man and God, whose power flows over into Jerusalem, if not into the entire nation.
The narrator’s concerns with the physical well-being of the Temple and with proper worship there reflect his conviction that these matters profoundly affect the fate of the kingdom. Thus, despite all Solomon’s great deeds, the idolatry of which he is accused in 1 Kings 11:1-13 is presented as the cause of the irreparable schism between North and South.
  • The fact that his son Rehoboam permits popular worship of the fertility cult, the narrator intimates, leads to the looting of the Temple treasury by the Pharaoh Shishak (1 Kings 14:22-26).
  • The narrator also expresses his displeasure with Ahaz of Judah by suggesting that the foreign altar which the king places in the Temple reflects both political and religious subservience to the Assyrians (2 Kings 16:10-18).
  • But the most extensive description of contamination of Temple rites is reserved for Manasseh.Whatever the historical value of these judgments, in the eyes of the narrator the two greatest disasters in the life of Judah are the direct consequence of violations of the sanctity of the Temple and temple worship.
    • He installs altars for the worship of a variety of deities within the Temple and encourages witchcraft, conjuring, and a whole range of objectionable practices.
    • The end result of Manasseh’s behavior, we are told, will be the complete destruction of Judah (2 Kings 21:13).
In contradistinction, Josiah is presented as the embodiment of the ideal of the good king precisely because of his cultic reforms.
  • He orders extensive repairs on the Temple structure,
  • removes and destroys the idolatrous cult objects associated with Manasseh,
  • and centralizes worship in Jerusalem by outlawing other shrines (2 Kings 22-23).

So great is the narrator’s concern with the exclusive authority of the Temple that all the other “good” kings of Judah, who are described in general terms as having pleased God, are criticized for allowing cultic worship to continue outside Jerusalem: “But the high places were not taken away: the people still sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places.” Such a statement seriously undercuts whatever praise may have preceded it and heightens the achievements of the kings who did enforce changes.

The editorial judgments against Israel reflect similar concerns.
  • In a global sense, the entire enterprise of the Northern Kingdom is considered corrupt because of its fundamental opposition to the religious authority of Jerusalem and because of the institutionalized idolatry of the golden calves.
  • Accusations of Baal worship are particularly prominent in the stories of Elijah (1 Kings 18-19, 21; 2 Kings 1).
  • As in the South, the kings singled out for praise are those who initiate purges of whatever idolatrous practices their predecessors have engaged in, such as Jehu’s liquidation of all those associated with the Baal cult in 2 Kings 9-10.
  • Yet, like all other Northern kings, Jehu has broken faith in the most basic way simply by following the example of Jeroboam and is forced to share the blame for the final destruction of Israel.
  • In reflecting upon the causes of its fall, the narrator begins by outlining the full gamut of idolatrous behavior:He closes, however, with harsh condemnation of Jeroboam as the one who “drove Israel from following the Lord, and made them sin a great sin” (17:21).
    • the fertility cult,
    • setting up “images and groves,”
    • human sacrifice,
    • divination, and so forth. (2 Kings 17:7-17).

Israel has been exiled for rejecting the two tenets which the narrator holds sacred:

  • proper worship of the Lord (that is, without idols such as the golden calves)
  • in the only place where God has said: “My name shall be there” (1 Kings8:29).
III.  Oracle and Fulfillment
One of the great tensions in nearly every biblical book is that between—
  • human initiative
  • and divine control.

Although every misfortune which befalls Judah or Israel is accomplished by a human enemy, these disasters are interpreted retrospectively by the narrator of Kings as agents of the divine.

Thus the rebellions by Edom and Damascus during Solomon’s reign are “stirred up” by God (1 Kings 11:14-23), and the Assyrians and Babylonians perform their destructions at the behest of God. But the narrator’s primary means for expressing his understanding of the process of history is the mechanism of oracle and fulfillment.

 

In contrast to the prophetic books, where the results of oracular prediction are generally not mentioned, the fulfillment of nearly every prophetic oracle in Kings is narrated in explicit detail. These events may take place within—
  • a short time,
    • such as Ahijah’s prediction of the breakup of the monarchy
    • and its actualization in the subsequent chapter (1 Kings 11:31-39, 12:15).
  • Or the time of fulfillment may span centuries,
    • as with the prediction about the ultimate fate of the altar at Bethel during Jeroboam’s time (1 Kings 13:1-10)
    • and its realization during the reforms of Josiah (2 Kings 23:15-16).
The repeated use of this framework gives expression to the concept of God’s control of history with a specificity not found in other books.
All significant events, and many lesser ones, are demonstrated to be the result of divine intentions. The most important of these are:
1.               Solomon’s accession to the throne and the building of the Temple, which are seen as fulfillment of the promise to David delivered by the prophet Nathan in 2 Samuel 7:11-13.
2.               The division of the United Monarchy as a punishment for Solomon’s sins, as predicted by the prophet Ahijah in 1 Kings 11:29-39.
3.               The destruction of the Northern Kingdom and the exile of her people as punishment for the sins of Jeroboam, as foretold by Ahijah in 1 Kings 14:15-16.
4.               The destruction of Judah and the deportation of her people to Babylon. As this is the climactic event of the book, it merits prediction by more than one prophet.

 

Isaiah mentions it to Hezekiah in 2 Kings 20:17-18 with reference to the king’s offspring.
Anonymous prophets in 21:13-14 extend the threat to the entire community, comparing its fate to that of Northern Israel.
The prophetess Huldah reiterates this verdict to Josiah in22:16-17, as does the narrator in 23:26-27.
The statement of the fulfillment of the prophecy appears finally in 24:2-4.
Although such “predictability” minimizes the level of suspense in the story, it serves the narrator’s theological purpose admirably.

 

The exile is not a capricious rejection by God, but a deliberate response to Israel’s sins that was foretold time and again.
Another major effect of this technique is the enhancement of the role of the prophet.
There is no prophetic figure in Kings (except those who are intentionally proved false) whose words do not come to pass, either as predicted or with some degree of reinterpretation.
The ideal of prophecy invoked here is that of Deuteronomy 18:22:  true prophecy is that which actually comes about, but “if the thing follow not, nor come to pass, that is the thing which the Lord hath not spoken.”

 

The classic power struggle in Kings is that between prophet and king,
and the former is always shown to be the person of greater authority,
even though political and military might resides with the monarch.

 

The triumph of prophetic over royal authority
is illustrated by Nathan’s role in the very first chapter of Kings.
Although no oracles are involved, it is the prophet who coerces David into honoring an oath (which he may or may not have sworn) promising the throne to Solomon.
Despite the imbalance of power, the prophet is usually impervious to the threats of the king, as Elijah proves victorious over Ahab and over his son Ahaziah.
But the example of Micaiah ben Imlah in 1 Kings 22 presents a more ironic vision. Enraged at the prophet’s prediction of his impending death in battle, Ahab orders him jailed “until I come in peace” (v. 27). Ahab does not return, nor do we hear anything further of Micaiah; the accuracy of his prophecy has sealed his own fate as well as that of the king.

 

Most of the prophetic figures in King’s exist primarily for the oracles they deliver, but Elijah and Elisha stand out as more complex characters whose careers extend beyond their political involvements.
  • Both are strongly associated with the common people,
  • and many of the tales about them have a legendary or folktale quality.
  • In a book which is almost entirely about the ruling classes, these stories restore a sense of everyday reality and suggest something of the popular support of the prophet’s authority.
  • The styles of the two figures are very different.
    • Elijah is aloof, if not mysterious, in his comings and goings, constantly at odds with the crown, even forced to flee for his life in 1 Kings 19. He has a flair for the dramatic, best illustrated by the contest with the Baal prophets in 1 Kings 18.
    • By contrast, Elisha is involved in the daily affairs of the prophetic guild of which he is the leader. He is rarely hostile to royal authority, even serving as an adviser to the king in 2 Kings 3 and 6.
Although the narrative style of prophecy and fulfillment heightens the importance of the Mosaic prophet, Elijah carries this idea further.
  • Not only is he like Moses in his prophetic role as messenger to the people,
  • but he is portrayed as a Moses redivivus. 
  • Elijah experiences a divine revelation at Mount Sinai (Horeb) after a journey of forty days in the desert (1 Kings 19).
  • Like Moses, he is fed in the wilderness by God (1 Kings 17:4, 19:5-7) and provides food for others as well (17:14-16).
  • The slaughter of the priests of Baal as a response to idolatry in 1 Kings 18 is reminiscent of the aftermath of the Golden Calf incident in Exodus 32:26-29.
  • Most striking, however, is the series of events surrounding the prophet’s death in 2 Kings 2.
  • Accompanied by Elisha, he crosses the Jordan to die on the other side.
  • Unlike any other prophet but Moses, his death is mysterious, and his place of burial is unknown (Deut. 34:6).
  • In an unprecedented move, he appoints his own successor in the person of Elisha, whose similarity to Joshua in this story is unmistakable: he splits the waters of the Jordan in order to cross into the land and then assumes command of his “people,” the band of prophets who were formerly loyal to Elijah. That his first stop along the way is Jericho helps to round out the analogy.
The purpose of this extended parallel is primarily theological.
  • By invoking the figure of Moses, the narrator also recalls the Covenant at Sinai as the point at which all Israel bound itself to God in response to a fiery revelation. At the same movement, the people empowered Moses to act as the mediator of that covenant (Exod. 20:18-21, Deut. 5:24-29). I
  • n 1 Kings 18 the people return to their covenant with the God of Israel and favor Elijah over the political authority of the king.
    • But this new revelation is also intended as a repudiation of the god Baal, who, as a storm god, was perceived as showing himself in thunder and lightning, in a manner too close to the traditional image of the Sinaitic revelation.

The crucial redefinition of the manifestation of Israel’s God appears in 1 Kings 19,

where he is explicitly located beyond the strong wind,
above the earthquake and the fire,
in the “still small voice” (v. 12).
“The qol Baal, the thunderous voice of Baal, has become the qol demama daqqa, the imperceptible whisper.”

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