A Literary Approach to the 12 Prophets

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[First posted in 2013.  In the Christian Bible, the 12 prophets in the “Old” Testament are counted individually as separate “books” and that is why the Christian OT has 39 books total. 

In the Hebrew Scriptures, also known as the TNK —acronym for: Torah (5 books attributed to Moses), Neviim (the Prophets), and the Ketuviim (the Writings)—-the 12 prophets are considered as one book in the TNK which has a total of 24 books and as such, this one article deals with all 12.  
Again, the source of ALL our literary approaches to TNK books is our MUST READ/MUST OWN: The Literary Guide to the Bible, eds. Alter and Kermode.  Remember that this is NOT a religionist approach, but an objective one that simply examines the literary merits of TNK books so surprise yourself by reading these series of articles and learn just as much if not more from the book’s superb literary critics. Lengthy as these articles are, you might be discouraged to read all the way to the end but — trust me — it is worth the read even if sometimes the commentator seems to be talking way above our heads; after all how many readers have had an education in literature as an art form and how many are even aware that prophetic writings in the Hebrew Scriptures used literary conventions?  Fret not, as a psalmist reminds us; you will still learn a lot!  Besides, all 12 are discussed not only singly or individually, but as collectively and comparatively as well, with their peculiar and individual prophetic voice and message.  Additionally,  if you look up all the words this critic uses which we, the average reader, might not normally use or even have in our vocabulary, you will learn so much more than just how to read the 12 prophets.

 

Comfort, comfort; and patience, patience!
Reformatting and highlights added.  Enjoy!—Admin1]
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The Twelve Prophets
Herbert Marks
 
The Book of the Twelve Prophets,
  • the most heterogeneous of the twenty-four that make up the traditional Hebrew canon,
  • is a prophetic anthology,
  • containing writings composed over a period of almost five hundred years.

As such, it presents problems and opportunities for reading similar in many ways to those posed by the Bible as a whole. Not only the individual books, but informal sections within the same book, adjacent verses, and even words within a single verse are the work of various hands, reflecting—-

  • different historical contexts,
  • different rhetorical conventions,
  • different or flatly incompatible ideological perspectives.

Such a text challenges our common habit of construing meaning with reference to the intentions of an imagined author. Interpreters generally resort to one of several fictions to replace this missing figure of the author,

  • including the supreme fiction of a divine intentionality or spirit, embracing incompatibles and transmuting the accidents of juxtaposition into a unique plenum.
  • Weaker alternatives include the attempt to focus on a particular stage of the text’s history:
    • perhaps to isolate an “original” core in each book going back to the prophet himself; or,
    • since this involves the loss of much material, to posit instead a final editor of great perceptiveness and subtlety, responsible for the extant form of the text, whose vagaries may thus be recovered as meaningful.
  • Perhaps the fullest reading is the one—
    • that alternates between these latter extremes,
    • compassing the contraries of voice and text—
    • though recognizing at the same time that there are more than two stages,
      • the “final” one no less elusive than its predecessors.
The earliest mention of “the twelve prophets” occurs in the deutero-canonical Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach, written early in the second century B.C.E.
(The common designation “minor prophets,” referring to the relative brevity of the individual books, not to their importance, probably derives from Augustine,City of God 18.29.)
The collection is thought to have assumed its unitary form sometime in the century before. The compilers of the Hebrew text apparently aimed for a chronological arrangement.
  • The first six—Hosea, Joel, Amos, Jonah, Obadiah, and Micah—belong, or were thought to belong, to the eight century, a period which saw a resurgence of Assyrian power and the fall of the Northern Kingdom.
  • The critically dubious placement of Obadiah and Joel, which lack historical superscriptions, may be based on verbal association (Hosea 14:1 followed by Joel 2:12, Joel 3:16 by Amos 1:2, Amos 9:12 and Obad. 19).
  • In the case of Jonah, the most anomalous member of the collection, the placement accords with the chronological setting of 2 Kings 14:25, the verse that gave the book its protagonist.

(In the Septuagint, the order within the chronological division is by length: Hosea to Obadiah, with Jonah last, where it stands as a sort of commentary on the entire collection.)

  • The next three books—Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah—belong to the years of Assyrian decline at the end of the seventh century B.C.E. Again, verbal association probably affected the order within the chronological division (Hab. 2:20 and Zeph. 1:7, with Nahum placed first because of the subtler connection of 1:2-3 with the final verses of Micah).
  • The last three books—Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi—all belong to the beginning of the Persian period (late sixth and early fifth centuries), which saw the rebuilding of the Temple and the consolidation of Israel’s cultic and legal traditions under the control of the priesthood.

Because the biblical writings at the time of their final compilation were already approaching the status of Scripture, the two distinct principles of literary organization—

  • representation or mimetic verisimilitude in the effort to recreate a historical schema,
  • and formalization in the reliance on verbal ties—

—-did not appear incompatible.

Both the text and its ostensible subject matter were God’s davar, his “work” or “word.”
It is a striking fact that, with the exception of the pseudonymous Jonah, none of the Twelve is mentioned anywhere in the Book of Kings, which covers the same period as the pre-Exilic prophets (although the mysterious “man of God” from Judah who prophesies against Jeroboam in 1 Kings 13 has been compared to Amos of Tekoa).

 

This raises questions about the motives for the collection, which in other respects shows signs of Deuteronomic shaping.

 

Perhaps the editors intended it as a supplement to the history books. Yet the final count of twelve prophets seems less a reflection of the material available than a deliberately imposed convention, designed to enforce a radical kind of closure.
  • The book of Jonah, a didactic or satirical narrative rather than a collection of prophetic savings, fits awkwardly with the rest of the Twelve (see the following essay by James A. Ackerman);
  • and there is some question whether Malachi, which begins with the same distinctive phrase—“oracle of the word of YHWH”—found elsewhere only in the two anonymous collections belatedly added to the book of Zechariah (see Zech. 9:1; 12:1),  was not broken off from them to make a separate unit.
In the Hebrew arrangement—-
  • witnessed by Sirach
  • the Twelve come immediately after the three “major” prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel.
  • The pattern of three plus twelveBy accommodating the prophetic corpus to such type, the editors were in effect assimilating prophecy to a canonical rule, solidly rooted in communal tradition.
    • recalls the three patriarchs and the twelve sons of Jacob—
    • one of the basic paradigms of Israelite historiography,
    • repeated again among the apostles of Jesus and among the twelve “tribes” at Qumran with their council of twelve laymen and three priests.
  • (A similar imposition is probably responsible for the final shape of the book of Psalms, whose five sections correspond to the “five fifths of the law,” as the Pentateuch is called.)
  • From this perspective, “The Book of the Twelve” may well be—-
    •  an anti-prophetic document,
    • restricting prophecy to a limited number of sources,
    • whose authority depends on established precedent.

In a famous passage, Amos likens the call to prophesy to an irresistible and unsolicited natural force: “The lion hath roared, who will not fear? / the Lord God hath spoken, who can but prophesy?” (3:8); and in the account of the debate at Bethel with the priest Amaziah, the prophet appears as an ordinary herdsman, compelled against his will to leave his flock and declare God’s judgment (7:10-17). The elaboration of a fixed canon of prophetic writings forecloses, even as it enshrines, this charismatic tradition, in which the vested authority of an Amaziah could be set at nought. Yet its internal discrepancies and the power of its discordant voices have continued to inspire successive waves of reform—political, religious, and literary.

 

Text and Voice
Compilation is, of course, only the final stage in the complex compositional process by which the prophetic books as we know them evolved.
  • Amos and those who came after him are called the “writing prophets”
    • to distinguish them from others such as Nathan and Elijah whose acts are recounted in the Deuteronomic History,
  • but it is likely that the majority of them delivered oral speeches,
    • which often went through several stages of transmission before being written down.

Scholars sometimes postulate a series of hypothetical layers,

  • beginning with the actual words of the prophet,
  • for the most part short sayings or oracles
  • prompted by a particular historical situation
  • and addressed to a particular audience.

Such sayings conform to one of a limited number of formal models, similar in many respects to literary genres, although, as with more familiar genres, the boundaries between them are by no means clear. Preserved by his followers, the words of the prophet would eventually have been combined into small collections, supplemented in a few cases by short biographical narratives, such as the account of Amos’s conflict with Amaziah (Amos 7:10-17) or the third-person account of Hosea’s marriage (Hosea 1). At a later stage, the collections would have been brought together into something like the current books, often with the addition of framing material, which, like the revisions and interpolations at each step in the process, reflected the new perspective of the editors.

 

The relevance of this general scheme varies from book to book.
  • Nahum, Habakkuk, Zechariah, Malachi, and Joel were probably written compositions from the outset.
  • Even with books that did evolve in the manner just described, critical reconstruction requires a verse-by-verse analysis, often based on a circular series of inferences. Yet a few characteristic patterns are still apparent.
  • The most obvious reflect the change in perspective that followed the collapse of the Northern and Southern Kingdoms. In the face of these catastrophes and the ensuing harshness of exile, the old prophetic burden of condemnation and warning gave way to new tasks of encouragement.
  • Concurrently, the emphasis on specific transgressions and actual historical circumstance receded in favor of a freer orientation toward an unspecified future resonant with eschatological overtones.
  • In the case of Amos 9:11-15, for example, we may infer that stylistically distinctive expressions of hope or comfort were simply appended to the end of an extant collection, thereby transforming the prophecies of judgment—now fulfilled—into a provisional movement in the drama of eternal deliverance.
  • This revisionary tendency was confirmed by Jewish tradition, which, as the early reference in Sirach suggests, remembered the Twelve principally as agents of comfort:
May the bones of the twelve prophets
   revive from the place where they lie,
for they comforted the people of Jacob
   and delivered them with confident hope.    (49:10)

 

The Book of Micah has perhaps the most extensive redactional history among the Twelve, and it will be instructive to consider both its final form and the hypothetical stages in its composition.
  • The superscription permits us to identify Micah as a contemporary of Isaiah,
  • likewise active in the kingdom of Judah before and after the fall of Samaria to the Assyrians in 722 B.C.E.
  • The invectives and threats in the first three chapters are, except for minor expansions, generally accepted as “genuine” sayings of the prophet,
    • who shows a particular sympathy for the poor of the land,
    • referred to as “my people” (2:4, 8, 9; 3:2, 3),
    • and a corresponding hostility to the institutions of power centralized in the capital.
    • Corruption and injustice among the princes, landlords, priests, and guild prophets have provoked YHWH’s judgment of doom against Jerusalem, which Micah here proclaims in defiance of the complacent Temple theology (3:9-12).
A similar ethical perspective seems to motivate the covenant lawsuit in 6:1-5 (cf. Hosea 4:1) and the oracles immediately following, including the repudiation of ritual sacrifice in favor of the personal virtues of justice, kindness, and “humility” (6:6-8; cf. Amos 5:21-24, Hosea 6:6). By contrast, the pseudonymous prophecies of redemption from exile, of Jerusalem’s future glory and hegemony over the nations, and of a Davidic ruler who will shepherd his people “as in the days of old” (chaps. 4-5 and 7) clearly reflect a post-Exilic setting (note the explicit reference to Babylon in 4:10).

 

From these antithetical traditions the redactors have created three literary units, each introduced by an injunction to “hear” (1:2, 3:1, 6:1), in which oracles of judgment are followed by oracles of salvation. As in Isaiah 2-12, which shows a similar pattern, the transitions are abrupt. For example, Micah’s oracle against Jerusalem, which ends by reducing the Temple mountain to a wooded height, is followed immediately by the prophecy of Zion’s exaltation when the Temple mountain “shall be established in the top of the mountains…and people shall flow unto it” (4:1). (The same oracle of eschatological triumph appears in Isa. 2:2-4, which, alongside the many thematic and stylistic features shared by the two collections, points to a common history of redaction.)

 

Theologically, the unmotivated reversals suggest the absolute freedom of YHWH. At the same time, they seem to reflect the psychological paradox of power in vulnerability, or of anxiety generating strength, of which the “confessions” of Jeremiah and certain psalms of lament are the most prominent Hebrew models, analogous to the infernal descents of epic and the passions of classical tragedy and the New Testament.

 

The confessional paradigm is most evident in chapter 7, which reproduces the disjunctive logic of the previous sections in a quasi-liturgical setting. As with so many prophetic passages, how we read the chapter depends in the first instance on where we locate the original units and thus, by inference, the marks of literary elaboration.
  • Were verses 8-20 (or some part of them) once a separate liturgy in which sequentially responsive expressions of human trust and divine promise, of petition and praise, were arranged for choral recitation?
  • Or were the “responses” composed, or collected and ordered, by the same anonymous hand that published them as Micah’s?
  • How are they related to the hymnal introit (1:2-4) which now opens the entire book?
  • Can we assume the unity of even the opening lament (7:1-6), with its bitter, and perhaps incongruous, outburst of imperatives (7:5) reminiscent of Jeremiah 9:4?
  • What, in either case, is the relation of its first-person speaker to the feminine “I” of the ensuing confession (7:8-10), whose references to sin and judgmental recall the divine lawsuit that opens the larger redactional section (6:2), and whose gender (apparent in Hebrew from the feminine possessive in the quoted taunt at 7:10) suggests a collective personification (compare the personified city of 6:9)?
  • Finally, what are the relations between both these figures and the “I” of the pivotal verse that links them—perhaps a redactional hinge, mediating the transition from judgment to salvation with a declaration of patience and faith: “But as for me, I will look unto the Lord; / I will wait for the God of my salvation: / my God will hear me” (7:7 [AR])?
  • The text as we have it resists univocal answers; nor need we suppose that its indeterminacies were foreign to the sensibility of the redactors. At the least, the allusiveness with which “wait” (‘ohilah) at the midpoint of the passage gestures toward the anxious “writhing” (huli) of the daughter of Zion (4:10), while the verb translated “I will look” (‘atsapeh) picks up the stem elsewhere associated with the prophetic “watchman” (7:4), suggests a deliberate convergence of desperation and confidence, of individual and communal identity.
As the example of Micah illustrates, redactional “order” in the Prophets is not always perspicuous.
  • The received texts are cluttered and chaotic,
  • and the signs of literary shaping have studiously to be recovered from under a welter of vestiges and interpolations.
  • Even where deliberate patterns may be confidently traced, they frequently overlie one another, like the superimposed figures of paleolithic cave art—the successive tradents, authors, and editors having valued polyphony and suggestive density more than formal decorum.
  • The persistence of discordant features that resist assimilation may result in part from—But regardless of its cause, it contributes largely to the aesthetic impact of the collections, which in the self-occlusion of their rough formal structures, as in the sheer abundance of their “difficult ornament,” are the reflection or perhaps the model of Israel’s image of the divine.
    • the peculiar status of the Israelite literature as evolving Scripture,
    • a repository of collective traditions that could more safely be expanded or rearranged than canceled.
Although it was shaped in different circles and attained its approximate form earlier than Micah, the Book of Hosea also comprises three smaller collections, each of which tempers inexorable judgment with a final promise of forgiveness.
  • The main collection in chapters 4-11, framed by call and messenger formulate (4:1, 11:11),
    • is composed of short, mostly isolated oracles, which Lowth compared  to “the scattered leaves of the Sibyl” (Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews, lect. 21).
    • They seem to proceed from accusation to threat to promise,
    • though there is also evidence of chronological grouping,
    • and local organization is frequently determined by theme or catchword (see especially 4:4-5:7, where the various sayings all denounce religious syncretism under the figure of “whoredom).
  • Throughout, there is a unifying concern with fidelity (hesed) to the Covenant,
    • equated with “knowledge of God” (4:1).
  • Religious abuses, ranging from—
    • violation of covenant law (4:2 may represent an early form of the Decalogue)
    • to idolatry (8:5)
    • and participation in the Canaanite fertility rites (4:13-14),
  • have led YHWH to reject his people:
    • they shall be “swallowed up” among the nations (8:8),
    • “smitten” and “dried up” (9:16),
    • their king “utterly … cut off” (10:15);
    • in short, “they shall return to Egypt” (8:13; 9:3, 6).
The later sayings especially are dense with allusions to Israel’s history,
  • presented both to accuse and
  • to remind the audience of the special legacy they are in danger of forgetting.

This historical bond is the basis for the moving depiction of YHWH has a troubled father unable to forget his wayward son, which has been placed near the end of the collection, where it prepares for the final promise of restoration at 11:11:

When Israel was a child, I loved him,
   and out of Egypt I called my son.
The more I called them, the further they went from me;
   they sacrificed to the Baals and burned incense to graven images.
Yet it was I who taught Ephraim to walk,
   taking them up in my arms;
      but they did not know that I cared for them.   (11:1-3 [AR])

 

In the lines that follow, the conjunction of judgment and promise has been enlarged by the successive arrangement of disparate oracles into a dramatization of divine pathos, in which the rhetorical turns reflect the turning against themselves of YHWH’s wrath and compassion: “my heart turns against me [‘alay], / my repentings are kindled together” (11:8 [AR]). Such conjunctions defy the pressure of events, enacting a deep though often inaccessible human reality, here troped as the freedom of radical otherness: “for I am God, and not man; / the Holy One in the midst of thee” (11:9).

 

The last three chapters repeat the general movement of the main collection, beginning with illustrations of Jacob/Israel’s legendary “deceit” (11:12; see also Gen. 27:35, 29:25) and ending with a series of salvation oracles that expand on the reciprocal relationship between Israel’s “return” and YHWH’s “turning.” Return is also the burden of the composite narrative of Hosea’s marriage in chapters 1-3, which in its present form serves as an introduction and hermeneutical guide to the collected oracles. This is one of the most heavily interpreted sections of the prophetic literature, although much of the discussion has centered on moral or supposedly biographical questions:
  • Are the women in chapters 1 and 3 the same?
  • Are all three children in fact Hosea’s?
  • Is Gomer a common prostitute,
  • and, if so, how could God have commanded his prophet to marry her?
  • Concern over Hosea’s moral purity is equally evident in the many allegorical interpretations, which date back to the Targums, and in the rationalizations of Origen and Maimonides, who treated the passage as a prophetic vision.
Somewhat more to our purpose are the modern debates over the relation between the biographical memoir in chapter 1 and the first-person narrative in chapter 3. The most reasonable solution—and the most exegetically productive—is to treat the two as originally independent versions of the same tradition of the adverb “again” in 3:1 (“Go again”) so as to create a story of alienation and reconciliation against which Hosea’s own prophecies to Israel must now be read. (In the received text this pattern is partly obscured by subsequent expansions, identifiably addressed to Judean and post-Exilic audiences and more eschatological in tone; examples include 1:7, 1:10-2:1, and 3:4-5.)

 

The emphasis in the first chapter, taken by itself, is not really on marriage or harlotry, but on the naming of the three children, a typical form of symbolic action (see Isa. 7-8). The sequence is cumulative and leads to cancellation of the covenantal bond based on YHWH’s self-revelation at Sinai: “for ye are not my people, and I will not be your God” (1:9, literally, “I am not your I am,” a punning allusion to the divine name; cf. Exod. 3:14). The pairing of the two accounts, however, puts the focus on the marriage, and specifically on the wife’s “whoredoms,” a loose figure for Israel’s infidelities, very probably based on Hosea’s own trope in the main collection, which develops the sacred marriage of Canaanite ritual into a figure for religious apostasy.

 

Accordingly, the redeemed “adulteress” of 3:1 is identified with Gomer, but in place of the history of estrangement needed to motivate the reconciliation, the editors have inserted a collection of oracles (chap. 2) depicting Israel’s religious apostasy under the erotic figure of the faithless woman. A close reading of this apparently homogeneous material reveals several traditionary strands and a good deal of editorial stitching, but the clearest break is at 2:14, where accusation and threat suddenly give way to promises of comfort:
Therefore, behold, I will allure her,
   and bring her into the wilderness,
      and speak comfortably unto her …
   and she shall sing there, as in the days of her youth.  (2:14-15)

 

The transition, willful despite its conjunction, simulates the unconditioned generosity of YHWH—conveyed in the surrounding narrative through the actions of his prophet—and thus dictates our reading of the marriage story as a parable of divine forgiveness. In this reciprocal glossing of symbolic action and prophetic discourse it is impossible to say which takes precedence, just as it is impossible to say whether the three-chapter unit, which could conceivably have circulated on its own, would have provided the model for the arrangement of the main collection or have been elaborated in its wake. Moreover, its double plot, for all its persuasiveness, does not annul the severity of the original traditions, still discernible beneath the redactional arrangement, but rather leaves their ultimate authority in suspense.

 

The powerful short Book of Nahum, which Lowth judged “without equal in boldness, ardour, and sublimity,” provides
  • a different model of the way redactional mediation can loosen a prophetic message from its original historical context.
  • The core of the book, chapter 2, is a poetic tableau describing in vivid language the destruction of Nineveh, last capital of the Assyrian Empire. The dramatic details—chariots, torches, plunder, treaty curses.
  • but appreciated by the Deuteronomic editor, who in the superscription introduces the book generically as a “vision.”
  • The description culminates in a magnificent cadence in which the repetition of “all” enforces the note of finality, and the conversion of splendor to ruin is represented not in itself, but more powerfully by its effect on those who suffer it:
She is empty, and void, and waste [buqah umebuqah umebulaqah]:
   and the heart melteth, and the knees smite together,
and much pain is in all loins,
   and the faces of them all gather blackness.   (2:10)

 

An ironic coda (2:11-12) generalizes the action, moving from description to the emblematic association of Assyria with the lion, while the ubi sunt motif converts lament to taunt in accordance with a pattern characteristic of Hebrew victory odes (cf. the Song of Deborah, Judges 5:28-30).

 

Chapter 3, though not integral with the preceding vision of the sack, continues it, beginning with a conventional woe oracle addressed to the “bloody city” Nineveh but modulating immediately into another cinematic montage of battle scenes. The juxtaposition of moral category and visual image works like a medieval emblem, the final “heaps of corpses” standing as a translation of, and judgment on, the rapacity that here seems to be its cause, while “none end of … corpses” (3:3) likewise comments upon “none end of … store” (2:9) in the previous section. The subsequent series of variations includes an ironic recollection of mighty Thebes, destroyed fifty years earlier by Assyria with a ruthlessness now transferred back upon Nineveh.

 

It has been suggested that the original Nahum was a cult prophet attached to the Jerusalem Temple and that the linked poems in chapters 2 and 3 are extensions of the nationalistic genre of oracles against foreign nations. Similar material is common throughout the prophetic writings and forms a distinct section of the books of Nahum’s contemporaries Jeremiah (46-51) and Zephaniah (2:4-3:8). In the latter, these oracles are the central section in a tripartite structure that moves from threats against Judah (1:2-2:3) to promises of salvation (3:9-20).

 

The same dialectical arrangement is found in the Greek text of Jeremiah and may have helped shape the convention of the apocalyptic battle that ushers in the millennium in such late writings as Zechariah 14, Joel 3, and Revelation 20. It is a powerful schema which gives narrative organization to Israel’s inherently ambivalent relation to YHWH, a Godmerciful and gracious … and [who] will by no means clear the guilty” (Exod. 34:6-7). In psychological terms, it projects guilt and consequently the feared judgment onto the nations before introjecting the desired presence, now relieved of its threat.

 

We see this structure most clearly in the Book of Zephaniah, where the imminent “day of YHWH” is conceived, following Amos 5:18-20, as a “day of wrath” on which Judah will be judged and the whole earth “devoured [te’akhel] by the fire of his jealousy” (Zeph. 1:18).

 

At the end of the central section of oracles against the nations, ending with Assyria, the same phrase recurs (3:8); but now the judgment has been displaced onto the foreign nations who are the object of the preceding oracles. The ensuing gospel of redemption then concludes with a literal image of internalization in which YHWH the “devourer” assumes a place “in the midst” of Israel (3:15, 17).
This internalization is reciprocal, for YHWH promises to “gather [in]” the afflicted (3:18), a figure related to the remnant motif which runs through the book (2:3, 7, 9; 3:12) in keeping with the example of Zephaniah’s Jerusalemite predecessor Isaiah. Like the recurrence of the key word “devour” (‘kl), the distribution of the verb “gather” reinforces the three-part movement of the book.

 

The Hebrew stem ‘sf has two nearly antithetical senses, on the one hand “ingathering,” on the other “removal” or “destruction,” and the prophet’s message, like the fate of Judah, is suspended between them. The promises of salvation culminate in the “ingathering” in 3:18 (a conclusion enlarged in the brief post-Exilic coda); but this is only the merciful counterpart of the threatened decreation with which the opening doom on Judah began:
“I will utterly destroy [‘asof ‘asef] all things from the face of the earth, says the Lord. I will destroy [‘asef] man and beast; I will destroy [‘asef] the birds of the air” (1:2-3 [AR]).

 

The Effectiveness of the wordplay is of course just as great whether we derive the irregular forms in 1:2-3 from ‘sf, “gather,” or take them as homonymous forms of the stem suf, “cease.” If the latter, we gain an added dimension of verbal play, in which historical and etymological alternatives are both resolved in favor of “ingathering” rather than “cessation.” Between the two terms, the threatening sense is again projected onto the nations, which YHWH determines to “gather” for destruction (3:8) as part of the definitive “devouring” that terminates the book’s middle movement.

 

The destruction of Assyria in Nahum corresponds to this second movement taken in isolation from the theological context, the condemnation and remission of Israel’s sin, which gives the nation oracles their meaning in the other pre-Exilic prophets. Readers who value the austere emphasis on cultic purity and social justice in Amos, Hosea, and Micah have thus tended to depreciate a prophet who seems to content to glorify vengeance. Yet it is precisely here that we must distinguish between the early strata of the book and the final setting; for in the edited collection, the reader comes to Nahum’s vision of martial triumph by way of an independent hymnic composition—
  • celebrating God’s supernatural power and
  • presenting his ultimate control of historical ends
    • as an aspect of his primal authority over all creation.
He rebuketh the sea, and maketh it dry,
   and drieth up all the rivers …
The mountains quake at him,
   and the hills melt,
and the earth is burned at his presence,
   yea, the world, and all that dwell therein.   (1:4-5)

 

In this context the destruction of Nineveh is no longer an aggressive vindication of Jewish nationalism but, more generally, an illustration of God’s universal government. As in Obadiah, a specific prophecy may now be read either with reference to its historical setting or within a revisionary frame that tends toward eschatology.

 

The hymn proper is an acrostic covering the first half of the Hebrew alphabet and ends at 1:8, but the short oracles that follow, adjoined to the hymn by the repetition of kalah, “utter end” (1:8-9), and punctuated with the definitive phrase lo ‘od, “no more” (1:12, 14, 15; see also 2:13), reinforce the eschatological orientation. The two locutions are conjoined in the final verse of chapter 1, which occupies an ambiguous position between the hymnic material and the anti-Assyrian poems which it may be read as introducing:
Behold upon the mountains the feet of him
   that bringeth good tidings,
      that publisheth peace!
O Judah, keep my solemn feasts,
   perform thy vows:
for the wicked shall no more pass through thee;
   he is utterly cut off.   (1:15)

 

The opening verset is a direct echo of Isaiah 52:7 (cf. 40:9), and thus an indication that the final form of the book (as of Micah) may have been shaped by the same late-Exilic circles responsible for the transmission of the Isaianic material. There are good grounds for supposing that these editors may have been moved by an incipient sense of a biblical canon, that they tried to free the extant traditions and writings from their historical anchors, to open them to continual reinterpretation within a dialectical context created by the aggregate of Israel’s literary heritage. Here the echo both invites assimilation to the cosmic theology of Deutero-Isaiah and invokes by association the characteristic emphasis on salvation. Taken in isolation, the messenger’s proclamation is related to the command in the same verse to keep the feasts. But within the larger context of the book, the tidings appear to refer to the visionary poems that follow. In this way the vindictive account of Assyria’s destruction is redefined as a consequence or aspect of the promise of eschatological peace. In light of the echo, the very name of the prophet comes to recall the message of comfort—nahamu nahamu ‘ami, Comfort, comfort, my people”—with which Deutero-Isaiah begins (40:1).

 

Redactional use of an independent hymn is also discernible in Amos and in the final chapter of Habakkuk. In Amos, three “strophes” of what may originally have been a single composition celebrating YHWH’s power over creation in implicit refutation of the claims of Canaanite deities (hence the refrain “YHWH is his name”) are introduced into the collection at moments of exceptional severity, as though to solemnize the words of divine judgment (4:13, 5:8-9, 9:5-6).

 

In Habakkuk, as in Nahum, the hymn helps to relocate the contingent or historical action at the core of the book. Against the turmoil and uncertainty of human affairs—the world of existential immediacy which is the traditional scene of prophecy—the compilers set the elemental features of the phenomenal world (light and darkness; earth, sea, and sky) in their timeless sublimity.

 

The two orders so juxtaposed have almost nothing in common except the dominion of YHWH, personified in the hymns where the approach is descriptive, and represented in the oracular forms by the dynamic force of the word, a dramatic figure for the grammatical modes of command, dread, and desire, as for the principle of causal succession. It is for the reader to specify more precisely the relation between cosmology and history, and thereby to define the nature of their common term. But since no simple formula (inside-outside, above-below, whole-part, cause-effect) can explain the relation, one is thrown back on the human motives generally associated with the different genres, alternating between the willful impulses of desire and fear expressed in the oracles and the contemplative impulse to praise, accept, and endorse magnified in the hymn.
In Nahum this absolute order is encountered at the beginning of the book. It provides a theocentric perspective from which to interpret the historical action that follows, approaching the contingent by way of the absolute.
In Habakkuk, which has a more complex structure and compositional history, the pattern is reversed.

 

The first section (1:2-2:5) has been organized as a dialogue in which YHWH answers the prophet’s complaints about the fate of the righteous. A series of woe oracles against an unnamed enemy (2:6-20) is then followed by the hymn in chapter 3. Further seams are evident in each of the three sections, and the scattered historical allusions are inconsistent, making dating extremely difficult.
In its attempt to reconcile the facts of suffering and injustice with the idea of divine governance, the book reflects the tradition of Israelite Wisdom literature (cf. Ps. 73), while in overall structure it resembles certain psalms of lament, beginning with petition and ending with hymnic celebration. The parallel with Psalms 74 and 77 is particularly close, the hymnic conclusion to the latter echoing almost word for word in Habakkuk 3:10-11.

 

The opening dialogue is itself a liturgical form, rooted in the responsorial patterns of Temple worship—a mode which Deutero-Isaiah develops most fully. By lending a new animation to the prophetic voice, it focuses attention on the person of the prophet. In Habakkuk, however, its suggestiveness depends largely on the dramatic inconsistencies which result from the composite structure. Scholars have tried to construct a unified scenario for the section, but it is precisely the disjunctions—the fact that prophetic complaint and divine response appear to be at cross-purposes—that account for its resonance.
Habakkuk’s initial complaint concerns YHWH’s silence before the demise of justice:
O Lord, how long shall I cry,
   and thou wilt not hear?
or cry out to thee of violence,
   and thou wilt not save? …
So the law fades,
   and judgment slackens;
for the wicked surround the righteous;
   so judgment goes forth perverted.   (1:2, 4 [AR])

 

The violence here is evidently internal, a continuation of the abuses attacked by the classical prophets.
YHWH’s response, however,—-
  • announces an imminent military invasion,
  • a violence of a different order,
  • which, although it does not dull the issue of theodicy,
  • shifts it into the international arena: “lo, I raise up the Chaldeans, / that bitter and hasty nation” (1:6).
  • The response is equally surprising from a formal perspective, for by generic convention the prophet’s petition ought to have been followed by a divine word of comfort.

Habakkuk’s second complaint (1:12-2:1) renews the emphasis on social justice, but the appeal is now set within the larger context of national defeat, which the prophet first accepts as a chastisement (1:12) and then decries (vv. 15-17).

 

The final response reconciles without resolving the disparate perspectives by reorienting the prophet toward a future event of indeterminate content which the righteous must faithfully attend:
And the Lord answered me and said.
Write the vision, and make it plain upon tables,
   that he may run that readeth it.
For the vision is yet for an appointed time,
   but at the end it shall speak, and not lie:
though it tarry, wait for it;
   because it will surely come.   (2:2-3)

 

For all its surprising shifts and sublimations, the dialogue manages to generate a logic of its own, or to goad us into constructing one. It is a logic that in fact points toward the hymn of chapter 3—a redactional appropriation of a bolder sort—which extends and completes the responsorial pattern, but in at least two different ways.

 

On the one hand, the description of YHWH the divine warrior
driving forth from Mount Paran
functions like the theophanies in the Psalms
or the appeal to the splendor of creation at the conclusion of Job.
It commands assent beyond the logic of theodicy by convincing us, rhapsodically rather than discursively, that the power of YHWH is incommensurate with human notions of purpose and, by extension, with human notions of justice.
It thus fills the place of the withheld vision which the prophet was commanded to write (2:2-3).

 

On the other hand, the conclusion of Habakkuk’s second complaint has left us in anticipation not only of God’s answer but also of the prophet’s subsequent reaction:
I will stand upon my watch,
   and set me upon the tower,
and I will watch to see what he will say unto me,
   and what I shall answer when I am reproved.   (2:1)

 

From this second perspective, the hymn expresses the personal reconciliation of the prophet. The succession of complaints has established a pattern of prophetic answering which the hymn now forgoes. Like Job’s final speech, it marks Habakkuk’s acceptance of the divine “reproof” and so follows movingly on the injunction to “keep silence” before YHWH enthroned in his Temple, which concludes the intervening woe oracles (2:20; cf. Zech. 1:7).

 

This second function of the hymn is underlined by the expressions (3:2, 16-19) which link it to the watchtower speech (2:1) and, via the key word “hear,” to the prophet’s opening lament:
O Lord, I have heard thy speech, and was afraid.   (3:2)
When I heard, my belly trembled;
   my lips quivered at the voice …
Yet I will rejoice in the Lord.
   I will joy in the God of my salvation.   (3:16, 18)

 

Together with 1:2 and 2:1, these verses constitute the autobiographical frame within which the original traditions have been assembled. The choice of such a structure suggests again that for the final editors the troubled status of prophecy itself was an urgent issue. The concern is evident already in the several sections.

 

The command to “write the vision” (2:2) echoes the similar command in Isaiah 30:8, where the issue is precisely the indifference of the people to the prophetic word.

 

Likewise, the parallel between “law” (torah) and “judgment” (mishpat) in the first complaint (1:4) suggests that judgment may refer as much to a languishing genre of prophetic speech as to social justice. Hence the “judgment” of the lawless Chaldeans which “goes forth from themselves” (1:7 [AT]) becomes not only a corrective but also an ironic replacement for the “judgment” that “doth never go forth” from the beleaguered prophet in Judah(1:4). The word used in that context is not “prophet” but tsadiq, “righteous one,” and it is difficult to hear the famous verse at the end of the dialogue, directing the “righteous” to “live by faith” (‘emunah, 2:4), without recalling those in Judah who would not “believe” (1:5, same stem), though YHWH, or his prophet, spoke the word.

 

The autobiographical frame dramatizes this predicament by attaching it to the personal experience of a typical figure. As the divine warrior is finally a personification of divinity, so the watchman on the tower is finally a personification of prophecy, erected more likely than not in the face of rising skepticism and disaffection with the tenets of prophetic religion.

 

Psalm 74, which also moves from petition to celebration, fixes at its nadir on the cessation of prophecy: “there is no more any prophet: / neither is there among us any that knoweth how long” (74:9).

 

One might say that the Book of Habakkuk, which is structured according to a liturgical form, supports the traditional view of the prophet as messenger against such despair. It does so in part through its formal indeterminacies, which allow the concluding hymn to be read simultaneously as God’s response or the prophet’s. On a smaller scale, the pivotal image of Habakkuk looking forth from his watchtower to catch both YHWH’s word and his own response conflates the two voices dramatized in the dialogue. The final phrase—literally, “what I shall answer concerning my reproof [‘al-tokhahti]”—is ambiguous: does “reproof” refer to the prophet’s challenge to YHWH or to YHWH’s challenge to the prophet? In the context of the book as a whole, the ambiguity marks a fusion and so reaffirms the place of the prophet as the divine spokesman.

 

When the aging Goethe began the West-Oestlicher Divan, his commemorative journey back to the sources of lyric, he envisaged a return to “the air of the patriarchs,” to a primordial world in which “the word carried such weight because it was spoken word.” As we have seen, the prophetic collections are far from being the loose diwan form to which they are sometimes compared, yet—-
in our preoccupation with their specifically literary features
we tend to overlook the more difficult questions of representation and inflection,
which in prophecy as in lyric are figurations of voice.

 

Ezekiel consumes a written scroll as a sign of his prophetic vocation; but —-
the pre-Exilic prophets, who to the best of our knowledge
indeed delivered their sayings orally,
depend for their power on fictions of presence,
on effects of invocation and evocation,
which strain against all forms of literary fixation.

 

A full description of these effects might begin with the combination of rhetorical mobility and thematic restraint: the exuberant crowding of violent and often incongruous figures, reminiscent of the boldness of popular speech, and the narrow repertoire of themes and referents (YHWH, Israel), which sustain such ceaseless variety. More subtle perhaps are the agitated shifts of grammatical markers, especially tenses and pronouns, which project the ambiguities of the divine messenger form into the domain of syntax; and the marked insistence on patterns of causal motivation, the incessant “therefore,” which becomes, paradoxically, a figure for the unentailed power of YHWH (and hence of prophetic speech). Each of these effects is animated by a strong antithetical impulse, and scholars have dedicated entire monographs to its ethical corollary, the “prophetic no.” The characteristic will to negation was already was already obvious to the disciples of Amos, who epitomized it in the argument or motto to his collected sayings—
The Lord roars from Zion,
    and utters his voice from Jerusalem;
the pastures of the shepherds mourn,
   and the top of Carmel withers   (Amos 1:2 [AR])
—where the prophet’s own figure for the irrepressibility of prophetic voice (the lion’s roar, 3:8) is wedded to natural figures of ruin and desolation.

 

Amos’s voice, supreme among the Twelve, is “the voice of honest indignation,” identified by Blake as the genius of prophecy, and his magnificent rhetoric is consistently, even monotonously, antithetical.

 

The first section of the book (chaps. 1-2) shows his deployment of the well-attested prophetic genre of oracles against the nations. The standard messenger form, “thus saith the Lord,” introduces the specific accusations, and these are followed in turn by an announcement of judgment.

 

The denunciation of Israel’s enemies was a standard task of official prophecy. Amos, however, turns it to his own purpose. At an earlier stage, the section probably comprised five oracles (compare the five visions in chap. 7-9 and the five forms of self-indulgence castigated in the woe sayings of chap. 6).
 Damascus, Gaza, Ammon, and Moab were all long-standing enemies; but Amos goes on, extending the list to Israel itself:
Thus saith the Lord;
For three transgressions of Israel,
   and for four, I will not turn away the punishment thereof;
because they sold the righteous for silver,
   and the poor for a pair of shoes.   (2:6)

 

The traditional terms by which YHWH’s messenger assured his people of their God’s special protection are here used to declare that no special bond exists.  Israel is similar to the other objects of YHWH’s wrath, only more culpable.

 

The Wisdom formula “three transgressions and four” suggests a pattern of cumulation and surfeit in accordance with which Israel, in the larger scheme of the whole oration, is the supernumerary term. Thus the cited atrocities of the nations—including the ripping up of pregnant women by the Ammonites and the desecrations of the Moabites—are only preliminaries to the more severe transgressions against social justice perpetrated in Israel.

 

To group Israel with the nations is to negate the whole history of salvation and thereby to upset the foundations of communal identity. The same disavowal determines the reinterpretation of the Exodus which is placed toward the end of the book, just before the eschatological coda. That YHWH led Israel “out of the land of Egypt” is the basis of the earliest credos, providing the frame within which even the Law is promulgated (Exod. 20:2).

 

Amos dismisses it:
Are ye not as children of the Ethiopians unto me,
   O children of Israel? saith the Lord.
Have not I brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt?
   and the Philistines from Caphtor,
      and the Syrians from Kir?   (9:7)

 

Amos’s campaign against inequity, his zealous pursuit of social justice, thus leads to a paradoxical repudiation of the covenant relation itself, which in Israelite traditional determines the very possibility of justice.
It is difficult to comprehend this ecstatic fury of the negative.
  • Where does the energy for the prophet’s wrath come from?
  • How and why does he persist against all odds in rejecting accommodation?

To speak of the social context of prophecy, of scholars or support groups, only evades the central question of a poetic power which in its hallucinatory intensity recalls the megalomania, the magic words and obsessional ideas, of the paranoiac. Like paranoid delusions, prophetic zeal may be a function of repression, or, more precisely, of the failures of repression, which allow the will to break through in disguised forms and to elaborate, in place of the forbidden world, its own structures of psychological and social affliction. The aggression at the root of all poetic enthusiasm has been recognized since Longinus, the first literary critic to mention the Bible, but it burns hottest in the prophets, who, themselves afflicted, inflict their word on everything about them. Indignation includes but is not limited to social criticism.

 

The poetic ire of Amos extends to poetry itself, consumed with other expressions of human capability, in a universal leveling:
I hate, I despise your feast days,
   and I will not smell in your solemn assemblies.
Though ye offer me burnt offerings
   and your meat offerings, I will not accept them:
      neither will I regard the peace offerings of your fat beasts.
Take thou away from me the noise of thy songs;
   for I will not hear the melody of thy viols.
But let judgment run down as waters,
   and righteousness as a mighty stream.   (5:21-24)

 

Beyond the aptness of water as a figure for leveling, righteousness in Amos is catastrophic.Judgment” (mishpat) is translated “justice” in all the modern versions, and the parallel references to those who convert justice and righteousness to wormwood (5:7, 6:12) seem to confirm this social emphasis. But the Hebrew sustains the fuller range of meanings preserved in the King James Version, where “judgment,” like its older synonym “doom,” may suggest condemnation or even calamitous visitation (see also Hosea 5:1, 11; 10:4; Isa. 4:4, 26:9). The association of justice and cataclysm, reinforced by the metaphorical depiction of Israel’s fate in the rise and fall of the Nile (8:8) and by allusions to the Flood in two of the three late hymnic passages scattered through the final redaction (5:8, 9:6), resembles the antithetical treatment of the “day of YHWH” in the preceding verses. Again, the word is directed with an almost vindictive ferocity against the structure of communal defense and presumption, which by Amos’s time had modified the old tradition of the divine warrior into a vision of eschatological victory:
Woe unto you that desire the day of the Lord! to what end is it for you? the day of the Lord is darkness, and not light. As if a man did flee from a lion, and a bear met him; or went into the house, and leaned his hand on the wall, and a serpent bit him. Shall not the day of the Lord be darkness, and not light? even very dark, and no brightness in it?    (5:18-20)

 

Such reversals, which cut the prophet’s polemic off from its institutional foundations, amount to an anticreation, more radical for being less systematic than the deliberate cancellation of the priestly ordering found, for example, in Jeremiah 4:23-26. Anticosmic gestures are a basic strategy of much Western literature, but the force of Amos’s negations is foreign to literature, where aggression is typically converted into contemptus mundi, iconoclastic quest, or the rage for aesthetic order, while its object is subsumed into some ulterior reality—often a book, a similitude or “mesocosm” which preserves the world it would resolve.

 

This sublimation is thematized in Dante’s Divine Comedy, in Spenser’s Mutabilite Cantos, in Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past, but it is implicit to one degree or another in every poetic or fictive work, beginning with the elegiac eighth book of the Odyssey, where we first feel the loss of the heroic present, its liminal vulnerability, by way of its immortalization in the song of the rhapsode Demodocus.

 

In the later prophetic writings, we are given something similar.
  • A book,
  • or its visionary prototype,
  • usually an apocalypse or dream text,
  • subsumes the perceptual reality negated by the prophetic word.
  • By contrast, the oral rhetoric of early prophecy refuses to convert its passion, whether for an artifice of eternity or for a seat in the apocalyptic theater.
  • The negations of Amos make their own amends.
Vision and Revision
Among the techniques productive of “grandeur, magnificence and urgency,” one of the most notable, according to Longinus, is phantasia or visualization, “the situation in which enthusiasm and emotion make the speaker see what he is saying and bring it visually before his audience” (On the Sublime, 15).
Hosea describes God as multiplying visions when he speaks to the prophets (12:10), and word and vision are frequently grouped together in the Deuteronomic superscriptions: “the word which Amos [Isaiah, Micah, Habakkuk] saw.”  We have seen the use Nahum makes of phantasia in his vision of the destruction of Nineveh.

 

In later Hebrew prophecy, the extended vision or apocalypse becomes a distinct literary genre with its own special conventions.

 

The most developed instance of it among the Twelve occurs in Zechariah, often called the most obscure of the prophetic books.
  • From the point of view of its composition history,
    • Zechariah is really several books,
    • but our chief concern here is with the late sixth-century prophet
    • represented in chapters 1-8,
    • who, together with his contemporary Haggai,
    • actively promoted the reconstruction of the Temple under Zerubbabel (see Ezra 5:1-2, 6:14).

Support for the Temple project was by no means universal in Judah, despite the Persian policy of encouraging the restoration of local forms of worship throughout the empire. From what we can gather, control of the YHWH cult following the return from exile had come increasingly under the domination of a single class of priests who traced their authority through Zadok from Aaron. Consequently, the disfranchised, including many of the Levites and Temple prophets, opposed the Zadokite program with eschatological fervor, expressing their hostility to institutionalized religion through the antithetical and visionary rhetoric of classical prophecy (see, for example, Isa. 66:1-4).

 

The “night visions” of Zechariah, in their final form as an integrated sequence, are designed on the contrary to lend divine legitimation to the Temple program of the Zadokites. At least some of the eight visions must originally have served a different function.
  • The vision of the divine horsemen (1:8-17) presumes that Jerusalem and the cities of Judah are still suffering the afflictions of the conquest.
  • Likewise, the vision of the four horns (1:18-21) seems to be an allegorical judgment against Babylonia,
  • and the vision of the man with the measuring line (2:1-5) a possible warning against fortifying Jerusalem for revolt.
  • By contrast, the visions of the flying scroll (5:1-4)
  • and of the woman in the ephah (5:5-11) appear to address conditions after the return, when reclamation of property rights and exclusion of the gerim, or foreign colonists, were crucial issues (see Ezra 4:1-5).
  • The flying scroll is particularly striking: on the one hand it is a figure, derived from Ezekiel, for the word of God incarnate in the scroll of the Law; yet its vast dimensions are those of the vestibule of the Temple of Solomon (1 Kings 6:3; see also Ezek. 40:14), the implication being that the two dispensations, word and Temple, are coextensive.
In Zechariah as it now stands, these visions have all been assigned the same date:
  • shortly after the laying of the Temple foundation in the second year of Darius (520-19),
  • the same year in which Haggai was exhorting Zerubbabel to get on with the work of building (Zech. 1:7, Hag. 1:2-4).

It seems likely that they were first arranged in a group of seven, symmetrically distributed about the central figure of the menorah, whose seven lamps, interpreted as “the eyes of the Lord, which run to and fro through the whole earth” (4:10), represent God’s presence enshrined in the Temple.

From this center the divine power radiates out through Jerusalem and Israel (the visions of the horns and the ephah) and on to the ends of the earth, patrolled by the two tetrads of horsemen in the first and last visions.

 

The vision of the filthy garments in chapter 3, which is formally distinct and upsets the symmetry, may represent a subsequent and more directly polemical response to the accusations of the antihieratic party, here identified with Satan, who is rebuked for challenging the high priest Joshua.
Several short passages, such as the word to Zerubbabel focusing on YHWH’s “spirit” (4:6-10) and the eschatologically oriented prophecy of YHWH’s glory “tabernacling” (shkn) in the midst of Zion (2:8-12; cf. Ezek. 37:27, 43:9), also seem to be expansions on the basic composition, which is traditionary rather than charismatic in emphasis.

 

The Book of Zechariah marks an important step toward the full-fledged apocalyptic prophesy of Daniel, Second Esdras, and the Book of Revelation. These works were the models for the view of prophecy as “visionary thereafter” which dominated the thinking of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, influencing the conception of the prophetic vocation shared by Dante and Milton. There is a certain logic, even an inevitability, in the way the symbolic vision emerges as the final stage in prophecy’s historical development. Given the highly imagistic texture of the pre-Exilic oracles, apocalyptic might even be considered the generic expression of a visual pressure latent already in classical prophecy, where the dominant tropes (prosopopoeia, apostrophe) work to personify the abstract and to make the absent present.
Hosea, for example, represents YHWH in dizzying succession as—
  • husband,
  • lion,
  • healer,
  • bird-catcher,
  • father,
  • leopard,
  • she-bear,
  • cypress,
  • and even pus and rot;

—and his figurations of Israel are still more visual and prolific. Moreover, prophetic forms probably evolved in part from the practice and rhetoric of divination, including of course the interpretation of dreams, common in Israel as throughout the ancient Near East.

The affinities with divination are particularly evident in the visual puns and associative techniques deployed by Amos in one of the earliest examples of the genre subsequently developed by Zechariah. Amos’s five visions compose a carefully graduated series.

  • In the first two (7:1-3, 4-6), the prophet recognizes figures of imminent destruction (locusts and fire), which he succeeds in deflecting by a moving appeal to YHWH’s mercy.
  • In the next pair (7:7-9, 8:1-3), interrogation replaces intuitive understanding as he is forced to acknowledge the inevitability of YHWH’s judgment in the appearance of the plumb line and the summer fruit.Interpretation of the fourth depends on a rebus, the “basket of summer fruit” (qayits) suggesting by paronomasia the “end” (qets) of Israel.
    • (The shrewd placement of the encounter with Amaziah between visions three and four both provides a fuller context for Amaziah’s hostility and hints at Amos’s ultimate vindication.)

A similar instance of audiovisual play occurs in Jeremiah 1:11-12, where the prophet is shown a rod of almond (shaqed) to signify that YHWH is watching (shoqed) over his word. In both examples the prophetic word must be inferred from its revelatory image, and in Amos the vision even terminates in a repudiation of speech: “corpses scattered everywhere; be silent [has]” (8:3 [AT]).

  • The final vision (9:1-4), following a series of oracles which enlarge on the theme of judgment, concludes the series by showing how the announced end will come, beginning with the destruction of the sanctuary and extending outward. In five structurally parallel verses the prophet reproduces the fivefold pattern of the larger sequence, the formal reiteration intensifying the sense of finality. Each line depicts a different attempt at evasion. The first four (hell, heaven, mountain, and sea) are again composed into pairs, while the isolated fifth (political captivity) reconfirms the historicity of the threat, and hence the reality and immediacy of the vision.
Prophecy is thus, from the very beginning, a matter of visual no less than aural hallucination—or at least its rhetorical simulation.
According to Maimonides, for whom all prophetic revelation was a form of imaginative vision akin to dreaming,
  • the superior imagination, when not receiving and imitating things perceived by the senses,
  • can receive and imitate the intellectually mediated “overflow” of the divine presence (The Guide of the Perplexed, 2.36).

A modern writer might be more inclined to substitute “the unconscious” for “the divine,” but the functional observation still holds.

 

From a Freudian perspective prophecy could be described as “archaic” or “regressive”—a displacement of thought by hallucination along a metaphorical chain which begins with sensations and proceeds via mnemic images through words to verbal complexes or thought. If mnemic images are more primitive than words, we can understand the tendency of the prophets, oriented ethically as well as psychologically toward the primordial, to displace or confuse word with vision.

 

Thus, in the first vision of Zechariah, seeing and showing are interwoven with speaking and answering in what seems, semantic flexibility notwithstanding, like a deliberate synesthesia: the “vision” being prompted by an initiatory “word of YHWH” and having at its center a dialogue and a command to “cry out” (Zech. 1:7-15).
For the most part, the visions in Amos depend on the prophet’s direct apprehension of verbal and visual associations.
In Zechariah, by contrast, we see the emergence of a new intermediary figure, the interpreter angel, influenced perhaps by the heavenly messenger that guided Ezekiel (Ezek. 8:2, 40:3).
It is he who now exercises the traditional prophetic prerogatives of intercession and proclamation (Zech. 1:12, 14-15).
The change signals a shift in emphasis from the direct transmission of YHWH’s word to greater reliance on the revelations of the past, which, with the acceleration of scribal activity, are beginning to acquire authoritative status.
Henceforth, the word of YHWH will be increasingly mediated by a textual tradition until, in the stories of Joseph and Daniel, interpretative skill is itself represented as charismatic.

 

Even from the beginning, however, vision and revision were inseparably fused, not only in the prophet’s tendency to exploit historical ideals against contemporary norms, but also in their adaptation of specific tropes and forms.

 

Amos refers repeatedly to his prophetic forerunners, as do Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah, who moreover echo either Amos or one another with impunity.
Jeremiah, whose early sayings are strongly indebted to Hosea’s, even has YHWH complain about the prophets who steal divine words “every one from his neighbour” (23:30).
The revisionary impulse extended to legal and narrative traditions as well.

 

Thus Hosea’s interpretation of the Jacob saga as a parable of rebellion and reconciliation reads like an aggadic transformation of the Genesis story (or of the underlying traditions):
The Lord hath a controversy with Judah [originally “Israel”?],
   and will punish Jacob according to his ways …
He took his brother by the heel in the womb [cf. Gen. 25:26],
   and in his strength he strove with God [cf. Gen. 32:22-32]:
Yea, he strove with the angel, and prevailed [c. Gen. 32:28]:
   he wept, and made supplication unto him …
So thou, by the help of thy God, return [cf. Gen. 28:15, 21];
   hold fast to loyalty and justice,
      and wait on thy God continually.   (Hosea 12:2-6 [AR])

 

Here Hosea’s concern with the possibility of forgiveness has converted the wily patriarch into a type of the wayward son of chapter 11, an example to the rebellious nation of the efficacy of reform.

 

A more narrowly verbal appropriation is evident in the hymnic conclusion to Micah, where the key words are all borrowed from the traditional list of divine attributes, which YHWH proclaims to Moses before his renewal of the Sinai Covenant.

 

Since much of the final section of Micah is cast as a covenant lawsuit, the echoes are particularly appropriate:
The Lord, the Lord, a God compassionate and gracious, slow to anger, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands, pardoning iniquity andtransgression and sin … (Exod. 34:6-7 [AR])
Who is a God like thee, that pardoneth iniquity
   and passeth by transgression …?
he retaineth not his anger for ever,
   because he delighted in mercy.
He will again have compassion upon us …
Thou wilt cast all our sins
    into the depths of the sea.   (Micah 7:18-19 [AR])

 

The same formula undergoes a somewhat more complex transformation, with the emphasis turned from forgiveness to vengeance, in the brief segment that interrupts the acrostic hymn at the very beginning of Nahum (1:2b-3a).

 

In late interpolations such as these, and in writings of the post-Exilic prophets, we can see the revisionary gestures becoming more deliberate, the network of echo and allusion increasingly dense. Such persistent reference to earlier text is an active part of the circular process of canon formation. Sources, elevated by virtue of being cited or echoed, lend back their growing authority to the writings that appear to sustain their tradition.

 

The obsession with a textual heritage which animated the founders of Judaism and Christianity at the turn of the era thus has its origins in the later layers of the Bible itself.

 

When Haggai (who alludes to Amos and Jeremiah as well as to the Holiness Code) is directed to “ask … the priests concerning the law” (2:11), the word torah probably signifies a mere point of “instruction,” but both the juxtaposition of accepted formulas, presumed binding, in the passage that follows (2:11-14) and the style of reasoning from them to a current moral exigency anticipate the methods of rabbinic exegesis.

 

For Zechariah, likewise, the authority of the scriptural word outlives the cry of its occasion, as is evident from the editorial introduction, in which YHWH speaks with the voice of the Deuteronomists: “Your fathers, where are they? And the prophets, do they live for ever? But my words and my statutes, which I commanded my servants the prophets, did they not overtake your fathers …?” (1:5-6 [AR]).

 

Such long-suffering words help to generate the visions themselves;
  • for the prophecies of the seventy years’ captivity (Zech. 1:12; see Jer, 25:11, 29:10),
  • of the avenging smith (Zech. 1:20; see Isa. 54:16),
  • of the man with the measuring line (Zech. 2:1; see Ezek. 40:3),
  • and the righteous Branch (Zech. 3:8, 6:12; see Jer. 23:5, 33:15)
  • all have their source in “the former prophets” (Zech. 1:4; 7:7, 12),
  • revised by the deferred action of an “interpreter angel.”
In contrast to Haggai and Zechariah, who combine messianic rhetoric with a dedication to the Temple cult, the author of Malachi uses intertextual echoes to sharpen his protest against current abuses.
Malachi 1:6-2:9, the second and longest of the book’s six disputations, is a virulent attack on the Zadokite priesthood, who in elevating themselves above the other Levites “have corrupted the covenant of Levi” (2:8).

 

On the surface, the passage is a critique of ritual misfeasance, but its denunciations are sharpened by a pattern of ironic references to the words of the Priestly blessing (Num. 6:23-27), whose authority, according to how one interprets the echoes, is either mocked or directed against its own custodians.
  • The priests, solemnly bound to “put [YHWH’s] name upon the children of Israel” (Num. 6:27), have come to “despise [his] name” (Mal. 1:6),
  • and consequently their “blessings” have been “cursed” (2:2).
  • YHWH’s protection or “keeping” (Num. 6:24) has become the priests’ failure to “keep” his ways (Mal. 2:9);
  • the “shining” (from ‘or) of the divine countenance (Num. 6:25) has become their vain “kindling” (same stem) on the sacrificial altar (Mal. 1:10).
  • Polluted offerings have so vitiated their rote appeals for “grace” (Num. 6:25, Mal. 1:9)instead he will cover their “countenances” with dung (Mal. 2:3 [AT]),
    • that YHWH will no longer “lift up his countenance” upon them (Num. 6:26, Mal. 1:9);
  • for they have corrupted the covenant of “peace” (Num. 6:26, Mal. 2:5)
  • and have been partial in administering the Law (literally, “lifted their countenances against the torah”; Mal. 2:9).
The allusive texture is probably densest in the late Book of Joel, sometimes called the “learned prophet,” who, though sedulous in his recreation of the old oral forms, must have composed his prophecies in writing toward the close of the Persian period (early fourth century B.C.E.). Like the authors of the two pseudonymous collections sometimes known as “Second Zechariah” (Zech. 9-14), Joel appeals to textual traditions in support of an eschatological vision which will supersede the theocratic reliance on ritual and law.

 

His picture of the end time, later adopted by the author of Acts for Peter’s speech at Pentecost (Acts 2:1-21), includes a radical democratization of spiritual authority:
And it shall come to pass afterward,
   that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh;
      and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy,
your old men shall dream dreams,
   your young men shall see visions.   (Joel 2:28)

 

Yet this very passage is itself heavily indebted to at least two literary models:
  • Ezekiel’s prediction of the outpouring of spirit upon the house of Israel (Ezek. 39:29),
    • which also underlies the transition from the previous oracle (cf. Joel 2:27 and Ezek. 39:28),
  • and Moses’ defense of unauthorized prophecy in the Wilderness camp (Num. 11:29)—
    • a paradoxically mediated projection of unmediated experience.
As in the Book of Obadiah, Joel’s vision of the coming day of YHWH supervenes on a historical event.
  • The disastrous plague of locusts, described in chapter 1,
  • gives way in chapter 2 to a vision of divine hosts leaping upon the mountaintops and darkening the heavens as they gather to execute the word of judgment.
  • Following a call to “return to YHWH with all your heart” (2:12 [AT])—based not, as for the Deuteronomists, on a devotion to torah, but rather on a full acceptance of the prophetic threat, such that YHWH himself will “return and repent” (2:14; cf. Amos 4:6-11; Hosea 3:5, 14:1; Mal. 3:7; Jonah 3:9-10)
  • the second half of the book announces a new season of plenty before depicting, in what may be a secondary expansion, the final day when YHWH will judge the nations in the valley of Jehoshaphat (“YHWH judges”) and at last “utter his voice from Jerusalem” (3:16) as Amos 1:2 had promised.
    • Every episode in this sequence is so rich in prophetic echoes that it would take an extensive commentary even to begin to unravel them.
    • Worth noting, however, for its theoretical interest is the way Joel presents the words of an earlier prophet as divine speech (2:32b, quoting Obad. 17a), while at the same time taking liberties with established texts, as in his inversion of the beautiful oracle of peace found in Micah and Isaiah“Beat your plowshares into swords, and your pruning hooks into spears” (Joel 3:10; see Micah 4:3, Isa. 2:4)—or of the Isaianic prophecy of a wilderness transformed into Eden (Joel 2:3; see Isa. 51:3).
The danger of such bold revisionism is the growing burden it places on those who would extend the chain of supersessions.

 

Amos, the earliest of the writing prophets, already expressed an impatience with prophetic forms, and it was perhaps inevitable that the prophetic corpus would ultimately include, together with its diatribes against priestly abuses, the anticipation of a day in which prophecy itself would cease:
And it shall come to pass, that when any shall yet prophesy, then his father and his mother that begat him shall say unto him, Thou shalt not live; for thou speakest lies in the name of the Lord … And it shall come to pass in that day, that the prophets shall be ashamed every one of his vision.   (Zech.13:3-4)

 

By the time this was written, the evolving canon of prophetic writings had long begun to displace direct revelation as an imaginative force within Israelite culture.
The wonder is that the theocratic circle,
  • having established the Torah as a bulwark against charismatic religion,
    • failed to suppress the emerging collections.
  • The antagonism is especially evident in the coda to the Pentateuch,
    • which chooses oddly to stress the uniqueness of Moses,
    • “whom the Lord knew face to face: (Deut. 34:10),
    • thereby putting the revelation at Sinai and the Deuteronomic law beyond the reach of prophetic supersession.
The conclusion to the Book of the Twelve seems in many ways to be a deliberate counterpart to this passage in Deuteronomy. As such, it testifies again to the wisdom of the final compilers, who recognized that the future of the collection required not the suppression of divergent ideas but their juxtaposition under the most extreme reciprocal pressure.

 

The new coda begins with an exhortation to preserve the authoritative body of scribal traditions: “the law of Moses my servant, which I commanded unto him in Horeb for all Israel” (Mal. 4:4). But this injunction is then balanced by a final glance toward the eschatological future, of which the prophets rather than the scribes were the appointed wards.

 

In Malachi 3:1, YHWH has already announced the coming of a divine messenger who will purify the priesthood: “Behold, I will send my messenger [mal’akhi]”—a revisionary conflation of the Deuteronomic “prophet like [Moses]” (Deut. 18:18) with the divine messenger mentioned first in the Covenant Code (Exod. 23:20) and again in the anti-Aaronic context of the Golden Calf episode (Exod. 32:34).

 

In the coda, this figure is identified with Elijah, the archetypal prophet, who, like Moses, heard the divine voice at Sinai (see 1 Kings 19):
Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord: And he shall turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers, lest I come and smite the earth with a curse.   (Mal. 4:5-6)

 

The late version of this passage in Sirach speaks of Elijah’s coming “to turn the heart of the father to the son, / and to restore the tribes of Jacob” (48:10), and it is tempting to carry the parallel back and to see in Malachi too an allusion to the twelve tribes, of which the Twelve Prophets may have been a reflection.
Of course, in the order most frequently attested, these verses conclude not only the Book of the Twelve but the prophetic corpus as a whole. From this perspective, both the prophecy of the eschatological forerunner and the closing threat take on ulterior meanings—the “curse” in particular reflecting the long succession of failures, which—-
  • from the Garden of Eden
  • through the Wilderness wanderings,
  • and again, for the Deuteronomists, from the conquest of the Land
  • through the defeat of Judah,

—-had characterized sacred history.

Later generations were sensitive to the implications of such a perspective.

 

[Note from Admin1—- this last paragraph connects the last book of the Christian OT to the opening gospels of the NT; please note that the Hebrew Scriptures end NOT with Malachi but with Chronicles and there is good reason for that which we won’t elaborate on here; it is explained in other posts.  We include this concluding paragraph only because it is part of the commentary and since the author has based his critique on the Christian Bible and not on the Hebrew Scriptures, this is the logical connection he makes.  Sinai 6000 does not agree with this final paragraph and all other comments that make such connections to the NT.]  

 

For most English readers, the last verse of Malachi is followed directly by the “good news” of the Gospels. In this proclamation of the word made flesh, the New Testament represents the abrogation of the open-ended or endlessly self-perpetuating revisions of prophetic literature. It propounds its central presence once and for all. Likewise, Jewish Bibles regularly repeat the promise of Elijah’s coming in small print following the final verse, thus ending the collection on a hopeful note and converting the anxiety of succession into a figure of eternal return or of timeless expectation. Sheltering in the comfort of these traditional responses, the solitary reader may occasionally look beyond to the prophets’ more ominous alternative.

A Literary Approach to the book of Isaiah/Yesha’yahuw

Image from amazon.com

Image from amazon.com

[First posted in 2013.  Isaiah as literature—who would have ever thought of reading it purely for its literary merits!  Certainly not religionists who use verses here and there as ‘prooftext’ to bolster their doctrinal positions. You might be disappointed with this article; in fact it most likely will appeal only to literature majors. . .  but give it a chance, there is always something to learn from a purely literary approach to Scripture.  In fact it is the best way to read any text and specially, biblical text which is first and foremost, written records using literary devices as old as antiquity.  This is from our MUST READ/MUST OWN resource: The Literary Guide to the Bible, eds. Robert Alter and Frank Kermode.  Reformatting and highlights added.]

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ISAIAH
by Luis Alonso Schokel
 
The Book of Isaiah is a collection, like a lake into which the waters of various rivers and tributaries flow.
It is customary to divide it into three parts:
  • Isaiah, chapters 1-39;
  • Deutero-Isaiah, chapters 40-55;
  • and Trito-Isaiah, chapters 56-66.

The first part may be subdivided into six units:

  • chapters 1-12, a series of oracles, largely by Isaiah;
  • 13-23, oracles against pagans, many of which were composed later;
  • 24-27, eschatology, added very late as a conclusion to the series of oracles against the pagans;
  • 28-33, a new series of prophecies by Isaiah with several late insertions;
  • 34-35, a diptych, eschatological in character, linked to chapter 13 and to the style of Deutero-Isaiah;
  • and 36-39, a narrative section, with poems inset.
The second part (chaps. 40-55)
  • is the most compact and homogeneous
  • and responds to the historical situation of the Exile,
  • anticipating the return to Zion.

The third part (chaps. 56-66)

  • continues some themes of the second, following its style
  • while introducing oracles whose subject is judgment.
  • It closes with a new eschatology, chapters 65-66,
  • repeating almost fifty words from chapter 1
  • and thus enclosing the entire book in a gigantic envelope structure.
Isaiah, one of the richest and most important books of the Old Testament, brings into focus centuries of historical experience and poetic concerns.
  • The events covered by Isaiah himself unfold between about 767 and 698 B.C.E., as is indicated in the list of king’s reigns in the superscription.
  • The prophetic calling, according to 6:1, occurred in 740 B.C.E. Deutero-Isaiah is situated about 553-539 B.C.E.
  • Trito-Isaiah appears to be post-Exilic.
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Isaiah
Today few scholars regard Isaiah as the work of a single poet.
  • Even a substantial part of chapters 1-39 has been attributed to other authors,
  • and, of the remaining oracles, numerous verses may be considered as layers of later sedimentation.
  • No one today attributes to Isaiah chapters 24-27, most of 13-14, a good part of 31-33, or the second half of 11.
  • From chapter 10 we must exclude at least verses 10-12.
  • But if we also eliminate the doubtful or disputed verses, such as 2:2-5 and 11:1-9, where shall we encounter sufficiently important poems?
    • A compromise solution consists in moving through the book,
    • stopping to take note of the most important poems, regardless of authorship.
    • Our concern is the book rather than its author, though we do not wish to overlook him entirely.

In the following paragraphs I shall concentrate on

  •  the stylistic elements commonly employed in chapters 1-39
  • and on the poetic world of chapters 40-66.
Although in the prophetic collections we cannot speak about personal styles because the tradition tends to concentrate on common themes and forms,
  • some special traits permit us to consider Isaiah as a classical writer:
  • classical because of the distance he places between experience and the poem.
  • That is, rather than allowing the experience, however traumatic, to break out spontaneously like a scream, he transforms it consciously into poetry.
  • Similarly, Isaiah does not insert himself into the poem in order to express his own reactions;
  • he is much more objective than subjective.
  • He does not use the “lyric irruption” so characteristic of Jeremiah.
  • Add to this formal perfection and a particularity of style, achieved by numerous resources which he handles masterfully.
  • The poetic distance and concern with form tell us that we are very far from ecstatic, half-conscious, spontaneous outbursts.
  • The prophetic “oracles” may be brief, but they are considerably more than loose oracular phrases.
Although the poetry of Isaiah is objective, in that it does not seek to express personal emotions, it is an intensely rhetorical poetry.
  • The prophet wants his words to create a particular reaction in his listeners;
  • he wants to affect them, shake them, motivate them by confronting them with transcendental issues.
  • From the first, he implores, “Hear, O heavens, and give ear, O earth: for the Lord hath spoken” (1:2), instead of “Hear, O Israel,” as if the people of Israel were not listening and the speaker had to implore nature to be the witness of God.
  • Note the emphatic, initial alliteration, shim’u shamayim.
  • In the second oracle (1:10-20) he confronts the “rulers of Sodom, the people of Gomorrah”—no captatio benevolentiae, no currying the goodwill of the audience, but—a violent shaking, uniting the people with their vicious overlords.
  • The third oracle (1:21-26) begins with a lyric complaint that is in reality a denunciation seeking a change of heart, if not the prognostication of an inevitable punishment.
A noteworthy example of the movement from the lyrical to the rhetorical within a single poem is 5:1-7.
  • The lyric tone is announced in the title, “A Song of My Beloved,”
  • and in the modulations of the first person, singing the trials of love’s labors lost.
  • A song of love is disguised as a work song.
  • Suddenly, in the third verse, shifting toward the audience, the poem appeals to the jury in a legal dispute on love:
    • look at all he has done for her and yet she refuses to reciprocate.
  • The rhetorical artifice creates an ironic twist:
    • the listeners become the judges of their own conduct (like David listening to Nathan’s parable, 2 Sam. 12).
Another rhetorical device consists—
  • in evoking the response of the listeners in order to turn it back against them, creating a boomerang effect.
  • In 28:9-13 the listeners mock the prophet, reducing his oracles to the level of a grade-school lesson in the ABCs.
  • Isaiah picks up the joke, transforms it into the unintelligible language of an implacable enemy, and hurls it back at the speakers.
Between the lyrical and the rhetorical is mockery—the taunting description, the satire—seen, for example,
  • in the vignette describing in detail the coquettish walk and wanton glances of the women of Zion (3:16),
  • listing their physical adornments and personal belongings (3:19-23).
  • A related satiric scene, the representation of the drunken magistrates (28:7-8), is frankly brutal.
In accord with the rhetoric and the culture of the epoch, the prophet composes poetry destined for oral recitation, perhaps as a ballad or song (see Ezek. 33:37).
  • The oral character of the poetry—the auditory effects and the great importance given to the sonorous quality of the words—affects the composition.
  • Modern scholars should try to listen to it.
  • Repetitions or similar sounds link words and parallel phrases which then unite or contrast with one another.
  • A dominant sound or a play on words may become serious and even tragic; paronomasia draws out of a name an entire destiny.
  • The sound delights, surprises, emphasizes, and aids the memory.
  • Here are a few examples from the first chapters:
1:4 hoy goy (“ah, nation’): the noun rhymes with the interjection, as if it were the echo of a shout.
1:10 ‘am ‘amora (“people of Gomorrah”): “people” appears almost as if it were a part of “Gomorrah.”
1:18 kashanim … kasheleg (“like scarlet… like snow”): the sounds are linked here in order to contrast the opposed meanings.
1:19-20 to’ khelu… te’ uklu (“shall eat … shall be eaten” [AR]): a play of antonyms.
2:12 heharim haramim (“high mountains”): an effect something like“mountains eminent” in English.
3:6 simlah lekha … hamakhshelah (“you have a mantle… heap of ruins” [AT]).

 

The Hebrew phrase, because of the simplicity of syntactical articulation and the scarcity of adjectives and adverbs, is customarily short. Only a few oratorical texts resort to an elaborate phrasing, with subordinate clauses (a good example is Deut. 8:7-18). Likewise, the best Hebrew narration advances in a succession of brief phrases. The syntactic simplicity can present a challenge for the poet who has to shape, concentrate, oppose, surprise, or provoke his audience. He may select a phrase suggesting a solemn beginning, a polished closing statement, or a phrase which halts and wounds the listener in its cleverness, its emotional charge, or its enigmatic reference.

 

The third oracle (1:21-26) begins with a complaint of five words rhymed in ah: ‘eikhah haytah lezonah qiryah ne’ manah, “How is the faithful city become a harlot,” and concludes: “You shall be called Faithful-City Justice-ville” [AT].

 

Here are a few more instances of compact phrase that have an arresting or epigrammatic force.
If you don’t believe, you won’t survive. (7:9 [AT])
I will trust and not fear.  (12:2 [AT])
For the cry is gone round about the borders of Moab.  (15:8)
Let us eat and drink; for tomorrow we shall die.  (22:13)
We have made lies our refuge and in falsehood we have taken shelter (28:15 [RSV])

 

Many of these phrases are paralleled by others and reveal their force in context. Logically, they impose a slow, emphatic delivery. On the other hand, there are verses that occur more than once, so that they begin to etch themselves into one’s memory. Perhaps there may even have been music that accentuated the impact of such phrases. This style of composition is conceived for oral recitation but it is not improvised. It reveals a conscious and controlled craft that makes enormous formal demands on the poet.

 

The short Hebrew phrase lends itself to parallelism in poetry.
Parallelism is, above all, a formal resource for the articulation of discourse, and in its most basic form it is dyadic, though three- and four-part divisions are not uncommon. Beyond four begins a series.
Parallelism consists in the formal correspondence of two consecutive brief utterances. The degree of correspondence may vary, and should, to avoid monotony.
By means of parallelism the poet is able to analyze one situation in two ways; he can dwell upon and show first one side and then the reverse of the same reality. In the corresponding half he may introduce an alternate rhythm.
Because parallelism is found so frequently in all genres of Hebrew poetry, it is best to focus on those examples composed with a particular end in mind.
Isaiah is a master in the original use of this method.

 

Verse 1:4 presents, after an interjection which governs everything that follows, four nouns each with its adjective. They proceed in an order of increasing proximity to God. The final adjective rings with the most force: “Ah, sinful nation, people laden with iniquity, offspring of wicked men, sons degenerate” [AT].
In verse 7 we hear the articulation of parallelism of the a + a’ + b type, containing rhymes which do not respond to the formal division. There are four possessive “your”s and three nouns, “country,” “cities,” “land.” By departing from the rigorous form, the fragment “in your presence” adds a tragic element. Listen to the effect:
Your country is desolate, your cities burned out,
   your land, in your presence, aliens devour.   [AT]

 

The oracle 1:2-10 ends with a parallelism whose extreme incisiveness, reinforcing rhyme, and evocation of the wicked cities cause listeners to shudder: “we should have been like Sodom, become like Gomorrah” [AT],kisdom hayinu la’amorah daminu (1:9)

 

There is nothing more conventional than the opposition of good and bad which Isaiah takes advantage of in 1:16-17 in order to join density with urgency. Two alliterative verbs and two nouns say it all: limdu heytev dirshu misphat, “cease to do evil, learn to do good.”

 

In one line (29:1) the poet concentrates the swift advance of time and its inexorable repetition: “Add year to year, / let the feasts run their round”[AT]. An imperative and jussive, the duplication of “year,” the feasts converted into an autonomous subject of the annual cycle—one could hardly pack more material into six words.

 

More complex is 29:15, which contains secondary bifurcation in the third line and crossed correspondences or chiastic elements: counsel/deeds, deep/hide/ darkness; these are words of challenge, and YHWH stands alone. The translation gives some idea of the original asymmetry:
Woe to those who hide deep from the Lord their counsel,
   whose deeds are in the dark,
and who say: Who sees us? Who knows us?   [AT]

 

Compare this calculated asymmetry with the regularity found in 30:1: “who carry out a plan, but not mine;/ and who make a league, but not of my spirit” [AT].

 

The regularity of parallelism achieves a special effect in a kind of military advance. After an introductory line, the rhythmic march files by rapidly, like its theme, indefatigable and precise (5:26b-29):
   and lo, swiftly, speedily it comes!
None is weary, none stumbles,
   none slumbers, none sleeps;
not a waistcloth is loose,
   not a sandal thong is broken;
their arrows are sharp, their bows bent,
   their horses’ hoofs seem like flint,
      their wheels like the whirlwind:
Their roaring is like a lion,
   they roar like young lions:
they growl and seize their prey,

A Literary Approach to the Book of Jonah

[First posted in 2013.  This is another excellent commentary from A Literary Approach to the Bible, one of our MUST READ, if not MUST OWN books.  Please read all the other articles from this great resource which have already bene posted. Reformatting, highlighting and underscoring added.]

 

Jonah – by James S. Ackerman  Although the Book of Jonah appears among the Minor Prophets in the biblical canon, it differs considerably from all the others as a piece of literature. Whereas the Major and Minor Prophets are essentially collections of oracles, Jonah recounts the adventures of a prophet who struggles against his divine commission. The story rather recalls the prophetic legends in 1 and 2 Kings that focus on Elijah, Elisha, and others. Scholars have struggled with the problem of genre, and there is no consensus. I prefer the general label “short story,” and I will later try to point out elements in the narrative that bring it close to classical satire. The story was probably written during the sixth or fifth century B.C.E., when Jews were struggling to adjust to and recover from the Babylonian Exile.

  • How were they to perceive the nature of God in the light of what had happened?
  • By what means could the community transform its institutions and traditions in order to adapt itself to the changed circumstances?

Drawing on a wide range of biblical allusions, as well as on a bit of Mediterranean folklore (the fish episode), the writer scrutinized some of the answers that were evolving. In doing so, he created a literary masterpiece that has captivated its readers and stirred artistic imaginations from the Midrash to Melville—long after the particular issues faced by the post-Exilic community had been resolved. “Jonah son of Amittai” (1:1) is surely a reference to the eight-century Northern Kingdom prophet briefly described in 2 Kings 14:25 as a popular prophet who, in the context of the Israelite king’s sin, proclaims divine mercy and support for that kingdom. The name means “Dove son of truth,” and the dove has two major characteristics in the Hebrew Bible:

  • it is easily put to flight and
  • seeks secure refuge in the mountains (Ezek. 7:16, Ps. 55:6-8),
  • and it moans and laments when in distress (Nahum 2:7; Isaiah 38:14, 59:11).

Will these characteristics, we wonder, also apply to our hero? And what meaning will the story give to “son of truth”? The formula in 1:1 makes it clear that Jonah is a prophet, but we are surprised and intrigued by the divine command. Prophets had pronounced judgment on enemy nations within the safe confines of Israelite territory. But commanding a prophet to enter a foreign city with a word of judgment from the Lord—given the mistreatment and misunderstanding the prophets suffered when they spoke to God’s own people Israel—is, to say the least, an expansion of the prophetic vocation! Jonah is commanded to “arise… go … and cry against” (1:2); he immediately “rose up to flee” (1:3). Reluctance to serve is a conventional feature of the genre of prophetic call (cf. Jer. 1:6). But Jonah’s total disobedience puzzles us, especially when we learn that his flight is “from the presence of YHWH.” Nineveh and Tarshish are geographic antipodes.

  • Nineveh, to the east,
    • is the later capital of Assyria, the very nation that would destroy and carry off Jonah’s people—the ten tribes of the Northern Kingdom—sixty years later.
    • The Assyrians were renowned for their power and gross cruelty, and allusions in our story recall the Flood and the judgment on Sodom and Gomorrah.
    • Thus we know Nineveh as a city whose power is a threat to Israel’s existence
    • and whose evil is antithetical to God’s will.
  • Tarshish, on the other hand,
    • lies somewhere in the far west and is a place where YHWH is not known (Isaiah 66:19).
    • Jonah, a servant fleeing his master’s sovereignty, also sees Tarshish as a refuge beyond YHWH’s domain.
    • Since the story depicts YHWH as the almighty creator God, it has placed Tarshish at the ends of the earth, where death and chaos begin.
    • Strangely, Tarshish also connotes luxury, desire, delight.
    • C. H. Gordon suggests that “whatever the original identification of Tarshish may have been, in literature and popular imagination it became a distant paradise.”
    • For Jonah, therefore, Tarshish may paradoxically represent a pleasant place of security that borders on nonexistence.

Prophets were thought to be servant-messengers who attended the divine court, “standing before YHWH’s presence” (as in 1 Kings 17:1), just as royal servants stood “before the presence” of their king. Jonah’s flight from YHWH’s presence is described as a series of descents (Hebrew yarad):

  • he “went-down”—to Joppa, into the ship, and into the innermost part of the ship.
  • He then lay down and fell into a deep sleep, the latter term again echoing the yarad descent pattern.
  • This motif—extremely common in Psalms—is continued in Jonah’s prayer, which describes his entering Sheol, the world of the dead (2:2-9).
  • The narrative, therefore, seems to be depicting Jonah’s flight from YHWH’s presence as a descent to the underworld.
  • Our prophet is taking a path that leads to death as he seeks to avoid the road to Nineveh.

The unusual term yarketei hasefina (“the innermost parts of the ship,” 1:5 [AT]) seems to be a word play on yarketei tsafon, which in Psalm 48 is equated with Mount Zion

  • (the city of our God,
  • the final refuge for Israel against the attacking nations)
  • and in Isaiah 14:12-19 is described as God’s dwelling place in the heavens
  • (the antipode of Sheol, the Pit, into which Lucifer has been brought down).

Why is the writer asking us to think of Zion, God’s dwelling place, as we read of Jonah’s descent into the hold of the ship?

  • Is the ship both a mini-Sheol and a mini-Zion,
  • or is there an antithetical relationship?

We are also given clues that this is no ordinary ship that is leaving the Joppa seaport. Jonah pays “her fare” [AT]; and when the storm hits, “the ship thought to be broken up” [AT]. Nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible are “fare” and “thought” used with inanimate objects. What kind of a maw has our hero entered in his descent from YHWH’s presence? The ship’s captain and crew are depicted quite sympathetically.

  • In contrast to our sleeping prophet, they resourcefully pull out all the stops in order to stay alive—praying to their gods, jettisoning their cargo, casting lots.
  • They know that their fate is in the hands of higher powers whose workings they cannot fathom (“if so be that God will think upon us, the we perish not,” 1:6;for thou, O Lord, hast done as it pleased thee,” 1:14).
  • They also do everything possible to save Jonah’s life. Jonah had descended, lain down, and slept. The captain tells him to “arise”; the crew tries to “return” [AT] to dry land.

Describing death, Job says

so man lieth down, and riseth not: till the heavens be no more, they shall not awake, not be raised out of their sleep” (14:12); “so he that goeth down to the grave shall come up no more. He shall return no more to his house” (7:9-10).

  • Ironically, the captain’s appeal to Jonah (“arise, call upon”) echoes the divine command in 1:2. The captain is appealing to Jonah to “get up” and pray to his God; but by implication he is pointing the way by which Jonah can “arise” from his death descent.
  • The crew are trying to steer the ship to shore, so that he can obey his divine commission; but by implication they are attempting to “return” him to the land of the living.
  • The sailor’s frantic activity highlights Jonah’s inactivity.

Unlike Jesus (see Mark 4:35-41), his sleeping in the storm suggests paralysis rather than faith. We must assume that, in response to the captain’s appeal, he continues to lie low and snore on. Taken out of context, his response in 1:9 sounds like a wonderful confession of faith. But he omits any confession of his disobedience, and his claim to fear YHWH rings hollow when contrasted with the growing piety of the sailors (see especially 1:16). We must join the crew and read the entire statement ironically: how does one escape “the God of heaven, which hath made the sea and the dry land,” by embarking on the high seas? Although Jonah does not mention his flight, the sailors immediately realize what he has done. Some interpreters see 1:12 reflecting growth in Jonah’s character.

  • He now has more compassion for the crew,
  • and, ready to accept God’s judgment for his disobedience,
  • he is willing to give up his life that the crew may survive.

But Jonah’s search for refuge from YHWH has been depicted as a descent toward death. This subconscious death wish is now reinforced by his request to be thrown into the sea. And even at the end of the story Jonah will still be claiming that death is preferable to life. Just as a lion summarily slays the disobedient prophet in 1 Kings 13, YHWH sends a great fish after Jonah: and the verb “to swallow up” never has a positive connotation in the Hebrew Bible. Korah and his followers were swallowed up by the earth/Sheol, as were Pharaoh and his chariots (Num. 16:28-34, Exod. 15:12). Thus YHWH seems to be reinforcing Jonah’s descent pattern—three days and three nights being the traditional time it takes to reach the underworld. Much to our surprise, Jonah prays; and the Hebrew word denotes an appeal for help in which, if appropriate, divine forgiveness is sought. We expect the prayer to be a lament, and indeed the 3/2 stress pattern of the lament genre dominates. The tense of the opening verb is ambiguous, so we don’t know at first whether to read “I cried” or “I cry.” Since laments begin with an appeal for help, we assume that we are reading Jonah’s cry for help. But as we read further, we discover that the prayer is a song of thanksgiving for having been delivered from death’s domain. Scholars have made various attempts to naturalize this part of the story. The majority maintain that Jonah’s prayer is a later insertion. But both in terminology (going down, calling out, steadfast love, vows and sacrifices) and in theme (casting, presence of God, idol worship, divine sovereignty) the song is closely tied to the rest of the story.

 

By setting us up to receive Jonah’s song as a lament, the narrative forces us to question how a prophet heading toward the underworld could sing of his deliverance from Sheol. Jonah has feared drowning; he describes his sinking into the seas as a descent to the city of the dead (2:6). Why, then, does he feel so secure in the belly of the fish which he thinks is delivering him from the belly of Sheol?

 

We know from 1:9 that Jonah is capable of making wonderful statements of faith in a context that turns every word to parody. Both the inner part of the Tarshish-bound ship and the belly of the fish give Jonah the same false, deathlike security. The prayer begins “I cried”—precisely the same action that Jonah had been commanded, by both YHWH and the captain, to carry out against Nineveh and in behalf of the ship. Having refused to cry out to save the others, he changes his tune when he himself faces the prospect of violent death. And when 2:3 continues: “for thou hadst cast me into the deep… I am cast out from thy presence” [AR], remember that it is Jonah who fled from the divine presence and who requested to be hurled into the sea. Jonah regards idolaters (and there is a clever wordplay in 2:8 that associates them with the sailors of chap.1 as deserters of hesed—a term indicating a chief characteristic of YHWH (translated as “mercy”), denoting a loving response performed within a covenant relationship.

 

In some songs of thanksgiving, as in Jonah’s, hesed can be virtually synonymous with God.

  • But the idol-worshiping sailors have forsaken their gods and fear YHWH!
  • It is Jonah who has forsaken his God; and, we will later discover, the main reason for his flight is God’s superabundant hesed (4:2).
  • In case we have missed this subtle contrast, the narrative permits Jonah to conclude his prayer with a promissory note: someday he will perform that which we know the sailors have already accomplished one thousand leagues above (1:16).

It is not strange that Jonah expresses his eagerness to return to theTemple, especially when there is no mention of his repentance or willingness to go to Nineveh?

  • Where is the fear of YHWH that he had owned to in 1:9?
  • Does he perceive his near-death in the waters as sufficient divine punishment?
  • Is he counting on divine hesed to overlook his disobedience and cancel his commission?
  • Is not the piety reflected in this song a bit too cozy?
  • To what extent is the story aligning the Temple with the ship’s hold and the fish’s belly—as yet another deathlike shelter that he hopes will protect him from fulfilling his divine commission?

In the Jonah story there are structural parallels between chapters 1 and 3, as well as between chapters 2 and 4. Chapter 4 also begins with a lament appeal from Jonah, to which YHWH responds with actions and questions. Although YHWH appoints the great fish in chapter 2, there is no verbal response to Jonah’s prayer.

 

The divine response, though muted, is still eloquent: YHWH commands the great fish to vomit; and if the narrative had wanted to achieve any effect other then satire, there are many other Hebrew words for “bringing forth” our hero onto dry land. Again we are disoriented. The fish which we had thought was carrying Jonah to his doom has indeed rescued him. Does Jonah’s deliverance confirm the viewpoint articulated in the prayer? I think not. The prayer closes with “Salvation is of the Lord (2:9)a key theme of the story; and to dramatize this very point, YHWH and the writer deliver Jonah by a means that our imagination cannot naturalize—by simply letting the text say that it is so. We have been subtly prepared for the just-as-miraculous deliverance that will soon take place in Nineveh. The second half of the story seems to return us to the beginning; but there are some differences, and we are asked to account for them. This time God gives the prophet a specific message, and Jonah now goes to Nineveh. We cannot be certain that Jonah’s oracle to the Ninevites is a faithful repetition of God’s words. Because the verbal repetition in 3:2-3 implies that Jonah is now complying with God’s commands, and because he will later turn on the deity for canceling the judgment he had pronounced, we can reasonably assume that “yet forty days…” (3:4) is indeed the divine proclamation. Knowing that Nineveh will be “overthrown” in “forty days”—words that, along with others, recall the unleashing of divine judgment in the Flood and Sodom and Gomorrah stories—Jonah may be more willing to comply. From his foiled flight he has learned that God is unrelenting in carrying out the divine will; thus he can assume that the oracle he brings will indeed come to pass.

 

The response of the Ninevites is unprecedented in the prophetic tradition:

  • Jonah barely enters the city and speaks five Hebrew words (not even introduced by “thus says the Lord”), and thereby instigates the most frantic reform ever heard of.
  • In a scene that is both comic and moving (we can imagine animals and servants in sackcloth; unwatered flocks and nobility “crying mightily unto God”), the sinful city instantly and completely turns itself around.
  • Through Jonah God “has cried unto” [AT]Nineveh; and now Nineveh ‘cries unto” that God.
  • The Ninevites have “turned from” their “evil”; and now God “turns away” from the “evil” that had been planned for the city.

This episode is replete with allusions to Jeremiah 36, in which the king of Judah scorns Jeremiah’s warnings of impending judgment onJerusalem. The narrative suggests a contrast between the bitter experience of the prophets in Jerusalem and the amazing success of Jonah in Nineveh. Had the writer used realistic narrative to depict Nineveh’s repentance, we would have wondered whether the city’s new heart could possibly be genuine and whether the remission of divine punishment was deserved. But the story’s comic exaggeration permits us to accept the amazing transformation as “fact” precisely because we are asked to imagine it as a beautiful fantasy. We will soon learn that Jonah is unwilling to accept what has happened; thus the narrative has driven a wedge between reader and prophet—between the justice we had hoped would fall on the sinful city and the mercy we are made willing to imagine. The story establishes a relationship

  • between the great fish (in which Jonah remains three days and nights)
  • and the great city (which requires three days to traverse).
  • Both function as enclosures, and Jonah perceives them antithetically.

The great fish is aligned with the ship’s hold, Tarshish, and perhaps the Temple in Jerusalem—shelters that offer the illusion of security but in fact result in a deep sleep that brings one down to the city of Death. For Jonah the only negative enclosures are the city of Death, from which he barely escaped in the heart of the sea, and the city of Nineveh, from which he attempted to flee. As readers we begin the story by sharing Jonah’s perception; but the possible Temple/fish/ship/ Tarshish equation, coupled with the amazing conversion of Nineveh, prompts a realignment of these images. The narrative has consistently called Nineveh “the great city”; but in 3:3b the Hebrew reads “and Nineveh was a great city for God[AT]. Jonah made the traditional equation between city of Nineveh and city of Death; but the story suggests that the opposite is potentially true. The key feature of Nineveh’s reversal is its turning away from violence. The larger context, however, is the community’s symbolic association with the world of the dead—although ashes, sackcloth, and fasting. Whereas Jonah’s disobedience precipitated his descent to the world of the dead, Nineveh’s symbolic death is part of a return from its evil way and an appeal to God that it be spared. No prophet within the biblical tradition has ever had such success.

  • Jonah flees his divine commission, and the entire crew ends up worshiping YHWH.
  • He speaks five words in Nineveh, and the whole city instantly turns away from its “evil.”
  • But as God repents of the “evil” that has been planned for the city, this “evil” Jonah “a great evil” (4:1) [AT].

In the context of a petition prayer (the same word used for his activity in the belly of the fish in 2:1) we finally learn why Jonah has fled his divine commission. For the third time he proclaims a statement of faith from Israel’s religious traditions (4:2; see Exod. 34:6, Joel 2:13). The first two, taken out of context, many initially be understood as positive affirmations. The narrative does not permit such a reading this time: I attempted to flee your realm because I knew that, ultimately, you are a merciful God. But why is Jonah so upset? A strong line of interpretation that goes at least as far back as the early rabbis proposes that Jonah is angry because he has been made to look foolish. When the judgment oracle does not come to pass, the prophet and his deity become the objects of taunting abuse. But we find no hint of this in the story. It seems more likely to me that Jonah’s problem is theological. Unlike Israel’s ancient Near Eastern neighbors, who perceived their gods as capricious monarchs, the Exodus-Sinai experience convinced Israel that its God—the creator and redeemer God—was also a just God. Divine justice could sometimes take three or four generations to work itself out; but ultimately, Israel believed, people would receive their just deserts. And there could be no question about what Nineveh deserved.

 

How could God possibly be swayed by one sudden change of heart, blotting out long generations of iniquity? If divine mercy can so easily cancel out divine justice, then life is arbitrary and capricious. Jonah’s theological problem is the reverse of Job’s. Whereas suffering causes Job to probe the caprice of divine sovereignty, the sparing of Nineveh drives Jonah to do the same. For both protagonists YHWH’s rule must be expressed through a well-ordered universe. The story has satirized Jonah as a prophet whose piety is out of sync with his behavior. But Jonah, strangely, is also depicted as a man of faith driven to challenge and disobey God out of a zeal for divine integrity. Echoing the descent theme of chapters 1-2, Jonah would rather die than live in a world where a just God no longer reigns (4:3, 9). In 4:5-11 we find that Jonah has not given up: he camps out east of the city, probably in the hope that Nineveh will falter (can a leopard change its spots?) and that divine judgment will finally fall. The booth the prophet builds for himself reminds us of the shelter images that have that have recurred throughout the story. Israel is commanded to build and dwell in booths annually as an act of worship (“rejoicing”; Deut. 16:13-14, Neh.8:15-17); and the fact that Jonah also “rejoices a great rejoicing” [AT] in his booth suggests an association between shelter and worship. Psalms 31:20 uses the booth as a figure for the divine presence in which those who “fear” God are “hidden” (Hebrew tsafan; compare the yarketei hasefina in which Jonah hides); and Isaiah 4:6 envisions YHWH’s covering Zion with a protective booth to “shade” it from the heat. Is Jonah’s booth a dim reflection of Zion—of the Temple that had been the hoped-for destination of his song? If Jonah has shaded himself with the booth, why does YHWH add the shade of the gourd? And how does that “deliver” (the Hebrew has a wordplay with ”shade”) Jonah from his “grief” (Hebrew “evil,” that is, anger)? We should note that the first half of the story has concluded with a divine “preparation” that functions as a thematic resolution: Jonah had repeatedly “descended,” so YHWH “prepared” a great fish “to swallow” [him] up.” Paradoxically, however, the fish both took Jonah all the way down and spewed him forth toward his commission. The same pattern obtains in chapter 4 if we interpret the three divine “preparations” in verses 6-8 as one interrelated sequence. Jonah has become hot-angry after YHWH had spared Nineveh; now YHWH intends to “deliver/shade” him from his anger by really heating things up. Of the many protective shelters in the Jonah story (Tarshish, ship’s hold, fish’s belly, Temple, booth), three have allusive connections to Mount Zion. Ancient Near Eastern iconography is replete with figures of the tree of life that flourishes atop the divine mountain but is attacked by a serpent. It is possible that gourd and worm are caricatures of tree of life and serpent, appropriate images in a satiric story? Psalms strongly connects Mount Zion with the cosmic mountain; and the Jerusalem Temple—YHWH’s dwelling place on Zion—may contain symbolism associated with the Edenic tree of life. Moreover, the author now introduces the form “Lord God” (4:6)—the divine name in the Eden story. Lord God, it would seem, has reestablished and then destroyed both Zion and Eden in order to “deliver” Jonah from his “evil.” How is this a deliverance?

 

The prophet who in 4:3 would rather die than live in a capricious, amoral universe now asks for death rather than live in a world without divinely provided shelter. Chapter 4 begins with Jonah’s complaint about the divine hesed (mercy). YHWH concludes the story, using the same number of words as Jonah, with a lesson on “pity” (Hebrew hus, perhaps used because of its phonetic associations with hesed). Jonah told that his pity for the withered gourd is misdirected, as he is forced to contrast his feelings for “Nineveh, that great city,” with the pity that God has shown (4:9-11). YHWH, as creator, has the prerogative of showing compassion for the world in its entirety—including creatures that don’t know up from down. Jonah may still seek secure enclosures and perceive all that is outside as life-threatening. But God’s world—even Nineveh—is able to repent its evil. In fact, as the fate of the exposed Nineveh suggests, it is more life-threatening to seek out a secure refuge. The gourd (like Tarshish, Eden, and perhaps Zion) has been blown away; the ship and the fish spew one forth. In a world that offers no eternally secure shelters, Jonah is urged to understand (and perhaps emulate) the divine pity. The Judean community had a very difficult time reestablishing itself inJerusalem after the Exile. The eschatological hopes of Isaiah 40-55 did not come to pass, even after the Temple was rebuilt (see Haggai). The resulting despair and anger are reflected in the book of Malachi, where the primary issue is divine justice: perhaps we Israelites deserved the exile in Babylonia; but how can YHWH hold back judgment on the other nations that deserve it even more? Jonah’s paralysis and withdrawal also seem to result from his anger over divine injustice (see 4:2). He seeks secure shelters that inhibit his fulfilling the divine will and thus separate him from God and humanity; and yet, paradoxically, these same shelters have strong allusive associations with the divine cultic presence, in which the prophet can rejoice and feel protected from the rest of the world. Since the story’s conclusion invites us to side with God over against Jonah, we can guess that one of its targets was the Zadokite priesthood—with its strongTemple Presence theology—which was rising to power soon after the return from the Exile (ca. 538-400 B.C.E.). The prayer sung in the belly of the great fish provides the key to the story’s genre. What appears to be a supplication for help becomes a song of thanksgiving as it is sung by a man descending toward Sheol.

 

When the song’s piety becomes sickeningly sweet or unwittingly perceptive (“Salvation is of the Lord”), the prophet is vomited onto dry land just as he is about to hit the sea bottom. Such a scene is close to farce; since the story is also quite serious, however, I would argue that satire is a more appropriate designation of genre. There is no evidence of cultural contact between the writer and the classical satire that was probably evolving in other parts of the Mediterranean world at the time. But it does seem to give the modern reader the most useful handle on the story. In satire we find incongruous, distorted events; a mixture of literary genres; an image of violence at the heart of the story; journeys as typical settings; and relatively little emphasis on plot or character development. The author of Jonah has skillfully used irony in order to distance us from the hero while also keeping the story on its narrow path between invective and farce.

A Literary Approach to the PSALMS

[Originally posted in 2013.  This is from THE LITERARY GUIDE TO THE BIBLE which we have featured in similar articles that focus on the different literary genres found in the “Old Testament” or as we acknowledge it in its original, the Hebrew Bible or the Tanach/Tanakh.  Other posts from this same MUST READ resource are:

Reformatted and highlighted for this post.]

Psalms – by Robert Alter

 Psalms, together with Proverbs and perhaps the Song of Songs, is distinguished from all other biblical books by its manifestly anthological nature. We know little about how the anthology was made or when most of the pieces included in it were composed. Some rather general inferences, however, about the contexts of these poems can be drawn and may help us get a bearing on the kind of literary activity reflected in the collection.

 

The composition of psalms was common to most of the ancient Near Eastern literatures that have come down to us. (See the essay by Jonas C. Greenfield, “The Hebrew Bible and Canaanite Literature,” in this volume.) From the Ugaritic texts that antedate the earliest biblical psalms by at least three or four centuries, we may conclude that the Hebrew poets did not hesitate to borrow images, phrases, or even whole sequences of lines from the Syro-Palestinian pagan psalmodic tradition, written in a language closely cognate to Hebrew. The borrowing occasionally may have gone in the opposite direction as well: a recently deciphered text from second-century B.C.E. Egypt, composed in Aramaic and written in Egyptian demotic characters, looks as though it might be a pagan, or rather syncretistic, adaptation of Psalm 20.

 

As these two widely separated instances of borrowing in different directions may suggest, psalms were a popular poetic form in the ancient Near East for a very long stretch of time. The biblical collection is composed of poems probably written over a period of at least five centuries. A few late poems, such as Psalm 137 (“By the waters ofBabylon …”), refer explicitly to historical conditions after the destruction of the First Temple in 586 B.C.E. Other psalms may well go back to the early generations of the Davidic dynasty, that is, the tenth and ninth centuries B.C.E. It may not be an anachronism, moreover, for the author of the Samuel story to put a psalm of thanksgiving (not one included in the canonical collection) in the mouth of a pre-monarchic figure such as Hannah, Samuel’s mother (1 Sam. 2), though the reference to the king in the last line (v. 10) is obviously anachronistic. It seems plausible enough that psalms quite similar to the ones in our collection were already in use at local sanctuaries such as Shiloh before the cult was unified in Jerusalem; and the recitation of the psalm by Hannah, a woman of the people who in her barrenness had improvised her own simple and touching prose prayer (1 Sam. 1), may reflect an assumption by the writer that the psalm was a profoundly popular form, a vehicle accessible to all for crying out in distress, or, as here, for expressing gratitude to God.

 

Precise dating of most psalms is impossible, though certain features of later biblical Hebrew can be detected in some of the poems. (Some psalms appear to allude to specific historical events, but in ways so teasingly elliptical that scholars rarely agree about what the actual events might be.) In any case, psalm composition through the whole Old Testament period is stylistically conservative; there is a sense of a densely continuous literary tradition, evolving very slowly over the centuries. In narrative, when you read a late book like Esther or Daniel, you at once know you are engaged with a different style, a different set of literary techniques and conventions, from those that inform Genesis or Samuel. On the other hand, you can read two psalms that, for all anyone can tell, may be as far apart in time as Chaucer and Wordsworth, and yet justifiably perceive them as virtual contemporaries in idiom, poetic form, and generic assumptions.

 

Authorship, as with all biblical books except the Prophets, is even more of an unsolvable puzzle than dating. Although the tradition embodied in 1 and 2 Samuel in fact conceives King David as both poet and warrior, scholarship long ago concluded that the superscription “a psalm of David” which heads many of the poems is the work of a later editor, as are the ascriptions of other psalms to Asaph, Ethan the Ezrahite, and so forth. Indeed, it is not at all clear that these superscriptions were intended to affirm authorship, for the Hebrew particle le in these formulas that is usually rendered “of” does not necessarily imply an authorial “by” and might rather indicate “in the manner of,” “according to the standard of,” or sometimes “for the use of.”

 

The sociology of psalm composition also remains a matter of conjecture. It has been proposed that there was a professional guild of psalm-poets associated with the Temple cult in Jerusalem and probably recruited from Priestly or Levitical ranks. Such poets would have composed liturgical pieces for the rites in the Temple and would have also produced supplications and thanksgiving psalms for the use of—perhaps for purchase by—individual worshipers. All this is plausible but undemonstrable. In any event, the popular character of the Psalms, the fact that the psalm-poets never developed the kind of complex and innovative style found in Job or the shrewd intellectuality of the poetry of Proverbs, makes one suspect that psalm composition may not have been exclusively limited to a small professional circle in Jerusalem.

 

The organization of the book is the work of editors in the Second Temple period. That work was completed by the time the Septuagint translation of the Bible into Greek was prepared in the second century B.C.E., because the Septuagint has essentially the same order and chapter divisions as those that have come down to us in the Masoretic text. There is, in the various traditions of late antiquity, a little wobbling as to whether certain individual psalms are actually single poems or conflations of more than one psalm, and so the total number of pieces in the collection wanders between 147 and 150, with the normative Hebrew textual tradition finally settling for the roundness of the latter number. It is highly likely that there were originally competing anthologies of psalms which the later editors then spliced together, occasionally leaving a little duplication between different groups of poems (as in the doubling of Ps. 14 in 53).

 

The oldest of these collections is thought to be the so-called Davidic Psalms (Ps. 3-41, with Ps. 1 and 2 serving as a preface to the whole collection), and the most recent, Psalms 107-150. Tradition divides the poems into five books, marking the end of all but the last with an editorial formula of closure that begins with “blessed” and ends with “amen.” It would appear that this division into five was superimposed on what was initially an assemblage of four small collections in order to effect an alignment with the Five Books of Moses.

For the ancient Hebrew literary imagination, numbers had more of a symbolic than a purely quantifying function, and this piece of editorial symbolism would have borne witness to the centrality that Psalms had come to enjoy in national consciousness by the time of the Second Temple.

Genre

Probably no single aspect of Psalms has received more scholarly attention in recent generations than the issue of genre. The pioneer studies were done early in the century by the German founder of biblical form-criticism, Hermann Gunkel. He discriminated seven general categories of psalms and a variety of mixed types. As might have been expected, his successors tried to refine his divisions and variously multiplied or redivided the categories. The efforts of form-criticism have clearly enhanced our understanding of Psalms because in no other area of biblical literature is genre so pronounced, with such compelling consequences for modes of expression. There are, nevertheless, certain ways in which the form-critics misconceived the phenomenon of genre in Psalms.

 

Gunkel himself, being concerned with dating and development, like so many modern biblical scholars, tended to assume one could plot a curve from simple versions of a particular psalmodic genre, which must be early, to complex versions, which must be late. By this logic, of course, one could demonstrate that Imagist poetry considerably antedated The Faerie Queene, and Gunkel’s evolutionist notions of literary history have been generally rejected by subsequent scholarship. His determination to uncover the so-called life setting for particular psalms has proved more stubbornly contagious.

 

Now, it is obvious enough that some of the Psalms were designed for very specific liturgical or cultic occasions. A particularly clear instance is the pilgrim songs, which appear to have been framed to be chanted by, or perhaps to, worshipers as they ascended the Temple Mount and entered the sacred precincts (Ps. 24) or as they marched around the looming ramparts of Zion (Ps. 48). But there is surely a good deal of misplaced concreteness in the energy expended by scholars to discover in psalm after psalm the libretto to some unknown cultic music-drama. The result in some instances has been to weave around these poems a kind of historical romance under the guise of scholarship, using the tenuous threads of comparative anthropology, as in the persistent conjecture that the psalms referring to God’s kingship were used for an annual enthronement ceremony in which the Lord was reinvested as king. In fact it is by no means self-evident that all the psalms were used liturgically, just as it is far from certain that they were all actually sung, though of course some obviously were, as the indications in the text of musical instruments, antiphonal responses, and the like make clear. Though some of these poems were surely “performed” in various Temple rites, we need to bear in mind that the psalmists, like other kinds of poets, often expressed a strong vision of reality through the imaginative leap of metaphor, and it is surely unwise to seek to reduce all these metaphors to literal cultic facts.

 

The most pervasive form-critical misconception about psalmodic genre is the notion that genre, apart from the occasional mixed type, is a fixed entity. This leaves the critic chiefly with the task of identifying formulaic sameness from one instance of the genre to the next. The evidence of literary history elsewhere and later suggests that, quite to the contrary, writers tend to be restive within the limits of genre, repeatedly find ways to juggle and transform generic conventions, formulaic or otherwise, and on occasion push genre beyond its own formal or thematic limits. We are likely to perceive the poetic richness of Psalms more finely if we realize that there is a good deal of such refashioning of genre in the collection, even when the recurrence of certain formulas tells us that a particular generic background is being invoked. I shall try to make this process clearer through illustration, but first a brief outline of the principal genres of Psalms may be helpful.

  • The usual Hebrew title for the collection is Tehillim, “Praises,” a noun derived from a verb frequently used by the psalmists, hallel, “to praise,” and familiar to Western readers in the form hallelujah (“praise the Lord”). Perhaps this designation was chosen because of the prominence of poems celebrating God’s greatness in the Temple rites, or even because of the sequence of five hallelujah poems (Ps. 146-150) that forms a kind of coda to the collection.
  • In fact, however, the total number of supplications—well over a third of all the poems in the collection—is slightly larger than the number of psalms of praise.
  • These two categories are the two principal kinds of psalms; together they make up more than two-thirds of the collection. Each may reasonably be divided into subcategories. Some supplications have—-
    • an individual character (for example, entreaties to God in the throes of physical illness)
    • and some are collective (pleas for help in time of famine, plague, siege, or exile).
    • Psalms or praise may be—
      • general celebrations of God’s majestic attributes,
      • of his power as Creator manifested in the visible creation,
      • or they may be thanksgiving poems, which, again,
        • can be either individual
        • or collective in character.

 

In addition to these two dominant categories, there are various lesser genres, most of which are represented by only half a dozen or so psalms:

  • Wisdom psalms (there are actually a dozen of these, Psalms 1 and 37 being particularly clear examples, and Wisdom motifs also appear in a good many supplications);
  • monarchic psalms (for example, Ps. 21 and 72);
  • pilgrim songs (in addition to the two mentioned above, the most poignant is probably Ps. 84); historical psalms (essentially, catechistic recapitulations of the major way-stations of early Israelite history, such as Ps. 68 and 78).
  • One might also argue for the profession of faith or innocence (for example, Ps. 23 and 62) as a distinct genre.

 

A brief consideration of the supplication will suggest the range of uses to which a single psalmodic genre may be put. The supplication is essentially a poetic cry of distress to the Lord in time of critical need.

  • It may be short or long;
  • it often refers to enemies,
  • but these may be either actual military adversaries,Psalm 6, in which the enemies bridge the second and the third of these three types, offers a neat generic paradigm of the supplication:
    • or shadowy underhanded types somehow scheming against the speaker,
    • or simply mean-spirited detractors who would crow in triumph were he to succumb to physical illness.

 

For the leader, with instrumental music on the sheminith,

       a psalm of David

Lord, chastise me not in your anger,

   punish me not in your wrath.

Have mercy on me, Lord, for I languish,

   heal me, Lord, for my bones are shaken.

My very life is sorely shaken,

   and you, O Lord, how long?

Return, O Lord, and rescue my life,

   Deliver me for the sake of your faithfulness.

For there’s no praise of you in death,

   in Sheol who can acclaim you?

I am weary from my groaning,

   each night I drench my bed,

      with tears I melt my couch.

My eyes waste away with vexation,

   are worn out from all my foes.

Depart from me, all evildoers,

   for the Lord hears the sound of my weeping.

The Lord hears my supplication,

   my prayer he will grant.

Let all my enemies be shamed, sorely shaken,

   let them turn back, be shamed, at once! 

This supplication begins with a plea that God relent from his fury, making abundant use of verbal formulas that also mark many other instances of the genre: “Have mercy on me,” honeini, a verb cognate with the noun tehinah, “supplication,” in verse 9: “heal me”; “return, O Lord”; and that most imperative formula of the genre, often used elsewhere with repetitive insistence, “O Lord, how long?” The argument that God should save the suppliant because in the oblivion of the underworld none can praise the Lord is a conventional motif shared by dozens of supplications. Equally conventional is the concluding affirmation of the Lord’s responsiveness to the suppliant’s prayer and the evocation—the verbs of the last verse could be construed as either a wish or an actual prediction—of the enemies’ dismay. Another, final instance of convention is the neatly antithetical closural effect in which the evildoers are “sorely shaken,” just as the speaker’s bones and inner being were shaken at the beginning.

 

Psalm 6 thus gives us a clear picture of the supplication in terms of structure, theme, and formulaic devices; and in fact a good many psalms are built on precisely this plan. But more interesting are the repeated divergences—sometimes rather surprising ones—from the paradigm.

 

Psalm 13 begins with an anaphoric series of “how long” and conjures up a desperate image of the suppliant’s imminent demise, yet it concludes on this note:

But I trust in your faithfulness,

   my heart exults in your deliverance.

I sing to the Lord,

   for he has requited me.   (vv. 5-6)

There is nothing optative or predictive about the verbs here: the deliverance is stated, in the surge of faith at the end, as an already accomplished fact. What this means is that the poem, though it is an exemplary instance of the supplication, is retrospectively transformed by the last verse into a thanksgiving psalm. The poetic process at work here is more dynamic, less mechanical, than what is implied by the usual scholarly notion of hybrids or mixed types.

 

Often, when the types are in fact mixed, there is actually a tight interweaving of different generic strands from the beginning of the poem to the end, which produces a mutual reinforcement of different thematic emphases and expressive resources. Thus, Psalm 26 strongly qualifies as a supplication, for the speaker begins by asking God to vindicate him, invokes the malicious enemies from whom he pleads to be rescued, and concludes with a prayer that he will once more be able to walk a smooth way, praising the Lord. But the poem is also formally a profession of innocence; and in the language the speaker uses, proclaiming that he has never sat with the wicked or entered the assembly of evildoers, Wisdom motifs are prominent as well. These introduce a notion of causal logic into the supplication, for one knows from the Wisdom psalms proper (compare Ps. 1), as well from Proverbs, that he who avoids the council of the wicked will, by virtue of the divine scheme of justice, be blessed with length of days.

 

The most intriguing instances of the expansion of the limits of genre in Psalms involve a displacement or reordering of the expected themes. Psalm 39 is a supplication in time of sickness, properly concluding with a plea that God hear the speaker’s prayer, but the sole mention of illness does not occur till the tenth of the psalm’s thirteen verses. Before that, the suppliant stresses his need to stay silent and the impossibility, in his anguish, of doing that, and from silence he moves to a meditation on the terrible transience of all human life. Instead of the formulaic imperatives “have mercy on me,” “heal me,” he implores God, “Let me know my end/and what is the measure of my days, / I would know how fleeting I am” (v. 4). The last note of this somber, moving poem, then, is not an image of frustrated foes but an evocation of the speaker’s own imminent end, the final word in the Hebrew being “I-am-not” (‘eyneni).

 

Psalm 90 pushes still further this realignment of emphases in the genre. By degrees, we learn that the poem is a collective supplication—first, from the allusions to God’s wrath and then, late in the poem, through the use of the formula “return, O Lord—how long?” (v. 13). But before we become aware of the occasion for the plea, which is some unspecified affliction that has befallen the community, the psalm is manifestly one of the great biblical evocations of the ephemerality of mere human existence against the backdrop of God’s eternality, and this, rather than the plea for help, seems its most urgent subject: “For a thousand years in your eyes / are like yesterday gone, / like a watch in the night” (v. 4).

 

One final example should suffice to illustrate the general principle that genre in Psalms is very often not a locked frame but a point of departure for poetic innovation. Psalm 85 is a collective supplication, imploring God to restore Israel to its land after the nation’s defeat and exile. But, quite remarkably, it begins not with a plea but with a series of verbs in the perfect tense, confidently presenting the restoration as an accomplished fact:

You have favored, Lord, your land,

   you have restored Jacob’s condition [others: turned back

      the captivity of Jacob],

you have forgiven the iniquity of your people … (vv. 2-3)

It is only in verse 4 that the poet finally uses the expected imperative “return, God of our deliverance,” followed by the formulaic “will you forever be incensed against us?” But just four brief verses are devoted to such language of actual entreaty, and then, in keeping with the ringing optimism of the initial lines, the last half of the poem (vv. 7-13) is a luminous vision of national restoration, very much in accord with the messianic theme of the literary Prophets, and hardly what one would expect in a supplication:

Faithfulness and truth will meet,

   justice and well-being kiss,

truth springs up from the earth,

   justice looks down from heaven.   (vv. 10-11)

Style

What most characterizes the style of Psalms is its pointed and poignant traditionalism. Figurative language is abundantly used (though occasionally there are poems, such as Ps. 94, that avoid it), but there are few surprises of the sort encountered in the imagery of Job or of the Prophets. Wordplay and other virtuoso effects on invention are less prominent than in other kinds of biblical poetry, and for the most part the power of the poem does not depend on brilliant local effects but builds cumulatively through sequences of lines, or from the beginning of the poem to the end.

 

There are, to be sure, individual lines that are in themselves quite arresting and as such have become part of the Western treasure-house of memorable bits of poetry. But even a single instance of these will suggest the link between the force of such striking moments and the traditionalism of the poetic idiom:

As a heart yearns for channels of water,

   so my soul yearns for you, God.

My soul thirsts for God, for the living God.

   O when shall I come to appear before God? (42:1-2)

In a semiarid climate where wadis turn into dry gulches in the summer and the parched, rocky landscape is enlivened by the occasional lush miracle of an oasis, it is understandable that poets should make running water a conventional figure for refreshment, restoration, life itself. Animal imagery is also common enough in Psalms, though it is more often attached to beasts of prey and used to represent situations of menacing violence (for example, in an urgent supplication, such as Ps. 22, the speaker’s enemies are a pack of sharp-toothed curs). It is not so common to compare the soul or inner being (nefesh) to an animal, and in the first line here that simile gives the conventional image of longing for water a small but crucial shock of immediacy. The thirstiness is then spelled out in the second verse with a simple, striking metaphoric equation: the living God equals fresh water, which in fact would be called “living water” in biblical Hebrew. And since, for the Israelite imagination, the living God has chosen for himself in Zion a local habitation where one “appears before God” at the pilgrim festivals, Jerusalem itself, in the implied metaphor of the second half of the line, is conceived as a kind of oasis in the wilderness of the world, the sacred wellspring of water/life/ God.

 

As happens at later points in literary history—there are analogues, for example, in medieval Arabic and Hebrew poetry, French neoclassical drama, English Augustan verse—this is a kind of poetry in which the strength and beauty of the individual poem are usually realized through a deft restatement or refashioning of the expected. Thus the speakers in these various poems represent the state of protection they seek from God or for which they thank him as a shield or buckler, a tower or fortress, a sheltering wing, a canopy or booth, cooling shade; the dangers that beset them are ravening beasts, serpents, arrows, burning coals, pestilence. The poets seem perfectly comfortable with this set repertoire of images, only rarely attempting to reach beyond it. Indeed, the familiarity of the metaphors and of the formulaic locutions through which they are often conveyed is precisely their chief advantage. The counters of poetic idiom have been worn to a lovely smoothness by long usage, and that is why they sit so comfortably in the hand of the poet, or—perhaps more relevantly—in the hand of the ordinary worshiper, in biblical times and ever since, for whom these poems were made.

 

Psalm 91 is a characteristic instance of how a psalmist shapes from the elements of this traditional repertoire a poem with an individual character stamped with the eloquence of faith.

You will dwell in the shelter of the Most High,

   in the shadow of Shaddai abide!

I will say of the Lord: my refuge and fortress,

   my God in whom I trust.

For he will save you from the fowler’s snare,

   from the blighting plague.

With his pinion he will cover you,

   beneath his wings you’ll take refuge,

      his faithfulness, a shield and buckler.

You shall not fear from terror at night,

   from the arrow that flies by day,

From the plague that stalks in the dark,

   from the scourge that despoils at noon.

A thousand at your side will fall,

   ten thousand at your right,

      yet you it shall not reach.

You will soon see it with your eyes,

   the requiting of the wicked you’ll see.

—For you, O Lord, are my refuge!—

   The Most High you have made your abode.

No evil will befall you,

   no illness enter your tents.

For he will order his messengers

   to guard you on all your ways.

They will bear you on their palms

   lest your foot be bruised by stone.

You will tread on cub and viper,

   trample the lion and asp.

“Because he delighted in me, I shall deliver him,

   I shall safeguard him for knowing my name,

Let him but call me and I shall answer—

   I am with him in distress,

      I shall rescue him and grant him honor.

With length of days I shall sate him

   and show him my saving strength.” 

This poem’s imagery is a kind of small thesaurus of the very stockpile of conventional figures we have just reviewed, but the effect of the whole is a strong and moving poetic statement, not a facile rehearsal of the familiar. This power may be due at least in part to the mutual reinforcement that occurs among related images. If there is a hidden nerve center in the poem, it is the verb “cover” (yasekh) in verse 4, a cognate of the noun sukkah, a thatched booth in which one takes shelter from the sun. The poem begins with “shelter” (literally, “hiding place”) and “shadow,” terms of protection that are immediately stepped up into “refuge” and “fortress,” just as the gentle covering of “wings” in the first two versets of verse 4 becomes the weightier “shield and buckler” of the end of the line. This local move participates in a general tendency of biblical poetry toward an intensification or concretization of images and themes both within the line and in the poem as a whole. (See the essay “The Characteristics of Ancient Hebrew Poetry” in this volume.) In a similar fashion, the repeated assertion of shelter in the opening lines becomes a more sharply focused representation of the divinely favored man walking about untouched as thousands fall all around him. This is followed by the active intervention of an agency of protection, God’s messengers or angels, who carry the man on their palms, allowing no sharp stone to hurt his feet—which, in a final intensifying maneuver, in fact can safely trample the most savage beasts. The psalm then ends climactically with three lines of direct discourse by God—who, in the shifting grammatical voices of the poem, was referred to only in the second and third person until this point. The divine source and guarantor, in other words, of all the remarkable safeguarding that has been imaged in the poem, now reveals himself directly, affirming his immediate involvement with the God-fearing man (“I am with him in distress”) and the unswerving resolution to protect him and grant him long life.

 

What often accompanies this traditionalism of poetic idiom in Psalms is a bold simplicity of language. The notion of simplicity, however, must be adopted with caution because it has been used too readily to attribute to these poems a kind of sublime naiveté, to see in them a purely spontaneous outpouring of feeling. In fact many of the psalms show evidence of fairly intricate rhetorical and structural elaboration. The “simplicity” of Psalms is rather the ability of subtle poets, sure in their tradition, to call on archetypal language, to take unabashed advantage of the power of repetition, and, when the occasion seems to require it, to displace figuration by stark literal assertion.

 

Psalm 121, a very different sort of poem about divine protection, displays just these stylistic features:

A song of ascents

I lift my eyes to the mountains—

   from whence will my help come?

My help is from the Lord,

   maker of heaven and earth.

He will not let your foot stumble,

   your guardian will not slumber.

Look, he neither sleeps nor slumbers,

   the guardian of Israel!

The Lord’s your guardian,

   the Lord’s your shade at your right hand.

By day the sun will not strike you,

   nor the moon by night.

The Lord will guard you from all evil,

   he will guard your life.

The Lord will guard your going and coming

   now and forevermore.

The archetypal sweep of the poetic landscape in this brief piece is remarkable. The speaker lifts his eyes to the mountains and, in a characteristic biblical association of terms, moves from mountains to heaven and earth and their Maker. A second binary pair that harks back to Genesis 1 is quickly introduced, day/sun and night/moon. The poem is a powerful realization of the meaning of “guarding” and “guardian,” the terms recurring, with anaphoric insistence, six times in eight lines. Metaphoric elaboration is not allowed to intervene in this process of realization. The only weak candidates for figures of speech in the poem are the minimal synecdoche of the slipping foot in verse 3 and the conventional “shade” for shelter in verse 5, which is immediately literalized in the next line as a protection against sunstroke and moonstroke (the latter perhaps referring to madness supposedly caused by exposure to the moon). The point of the poem is that the Lord is quite literally a guardian or watchman who never sleeps, who always has his eyes open to keep you from harm. The concluding note of benediction on “forevermore” is, it might be argued, a formulaic device for ending a psalm, but here it ties in beautifully with the beginning of the poem because an arc has been traced from the eternity behind mankind when heaven and earth were made to the eternity stretching out ahead. Altogether, the poem is a quintessential expression of the poetic beauty of Psalms in its artful use of a purposefully limited, primary language to suggest a kind of luminous immediacy in the apprehension of the world through the eyes of faith.

 

Structure

Elsewhere in the biblical corpus, the boundaries of poems are often ambiguous. Where the traditional chapter divisions might seem to imply a single poem in Proverbs or the Prophets or the Song of Songs, scholars have often argued for a splicing together of two or three poems or for a collage of fragments from several poems. In Psalms, on the other hand, there are very often clear markers of beginnings and endings in the formulaic devices we have already noted in connection with genre, and in almost all instances the chapter divisions dependably indicate individual poems. Since many of the psalms were, after all, fashioned for public use, it is not surprising that the psalm-poets should by and large favor symmetrical forms in which poetic statement is rounded off or tied up by an emphatic balancing of beginning  and end.

 

The most common expression of this formal predilection is the so-called envelope structure—in fact a structure popular in many biblical genres—in which significant terms introduced at the beginning are brought back prominently at the end. The extreme version of the envelope structure would be the use of a refrain at the beginning and end of a psalm, as in Psalm 8, which opens with the declaration “Lord, our master, / how majestic is your name in all the earth,” then scans creation vertically from heaven to man at the midpoint to the land and sea “beneath his feet,” and concludes by repeating the opening line.

 

A longer and more complicated instance of envelope structure is offered by Psalm 107. This thanksgiving psalm, which reviews God’s mercies in rescuing his people from the trials of exile on land and sea, begins with a formula that occurs in other poems: “Praise the Lord, for he is good, / for his faithfulness is forever.” The division between the first and second movements of the poem (verse 8) is marked by a refrainlike variation on this opening line: “Let them praise the Lord for his faithfulness, / his wondrous deeds for the sons of man.” These words recur verbatim as a refrain marking discrete segments of the poem in verses 15, 21, and 31. The very last verse (43) sums up the imperative to celebrate God’s many bounties in the following words: “He who is wise will heed these things, / he will take note of the faithfulness of the Lord.” The poet thus avoids the regularity of an explicit concluding refrain, but the key concept that began the poem, the faithfulness (or “loving-kindness,” hesed) of the Lord, rings forth at the end, with the order and syntactic relation of the two component nouns changed, and “faithfulness” used in the plural (in the Hebrew), perhaps as a concluding indication of all the different mercies of the Lord that the poem has evoked.

 

The role of the refrain in Psalm 107 points to a more general possibility of structuration in Psalms, the subdivision of individual poems into strophes. This is an aspect of Psalms that we are just beginning to understand, but it may be that there are strophic divisions in many of the longer poems. The perception of such formal poetic structure could in some cases provide a key to otherwise elusive meanings. To cite an extreme instance, Psalm 68 has posed such problems of seeming incoherence that many scholars have embraced W. F. Albright’s suggestion that it is not a poem at all but a catalogue of first lines from no longer extant psalms. J. P. Fokkelman, on the other hand, makes a plausible case for a cogent structure here in formal divisions: going from small to large, he designates them as strophes (a term he uses to designate a cluster of two or three lines), stanzas, and sections.

 

Almost all of the small units he discriminates are marked by a term for God—usually, ‘Elohim—at the beginning of the first line and at the end of the last line, and triadic lines are used to indicate the ends of many of the strophes. The three large sections Fokkelman identifies in the poem (vv. 2-11, 12-24, 25-36) are organized thematically around three different mountains, first Sinai, then Bashan, then God’s new chosen abode, Zion. The atomistic habits of philological analysis have tendered to divert attention from such larger principles of organization, but formal symmetries of this sort may be present in a good number of the longer psalms.

 

In any case, envelope structure is the one clearly discernible structural pattern that recurs with in inventive variations in many different psalms. Beyond that, it is probably not very helpful to attempt a taxonomy of psalmodic structures (chiastic, antiphonal, and so forth), because the evidence of the poems suggests that for the most part structure was improvised in the poet’s impulse to create an adequate form for the subject at hand in the individual poem. Envelope structure, in other words, is an explicit convention of biblical literature, a recognized way of organizing material in both poetry and prose, and it could be exploited with emphatic effect in the closed form of the psalm. Other structures, by contrast, seem to have been tailor-made for particular poems rather than applied as a convention, and so our task as readers is not to attempt to classify them but to observe their varying operations in shaping the meanings of individual psalms. Let me illustrate this point briefly.

 

Psalm 12 is a supplication spoken by someone beset by insidious schemers. What are suppliant stresses is the treacherous use of language by his adversaries, who seem to him in his distress to be virtually all of mankind: “Lies do they speak to each other, / smooth talk, / with a double heart do they speak” (v. 3). In the semantic parallelisms from line to line, “tongue” and “lips”—both of which mean “speech” in biblical idiom—recur, the suppliant praying that the Lord “cut of all smooth-talking lips, / every tongue speaking proudly” (v. 4), while the arrogant are imagined saying, “By our tongues we’ll prevail, / with these lips of ours, who can lord over us?” (v. 5). The poem pivots neatly on verse 6, as we hear, after this characterization of the treacherous language of humankind, God speaking in direct discourse that affirms divine justice, announcing his resolution to rise up and rescue the oppressed from their persecutors. In the balanced antithetical structure of the poem, the duplicity of human speech, to which the first four verses are devoted, is set off by the redemptive emergence of God’s perfect speech in the last four: “The words of the Lord are pure words, / silver purged in an earthen furnace, / refined sevenfold” (v. 7). The point of the neat antithetical structure is to embody in the shape of the poem the speaker’s sense that, all dismaying appearances to the contrary, there is in the very nature of things an ethical counter-weight to the triumphal arrogance of the wicked.

 

Psalm 48, a pilgrim song, works out a tripartite poetic structure for the poet’s perception of the double paradox of the particular and the universal, the historical and the eternal, focused in God’s chosen city, Jerusalem.Zion, concretely imagined here as a distinctive stronghold towering on a Judean promontory, is also “the joy of all the earth” (v. 2), and the poem sweeps impressively from the particular site to a large geographic panorama, and back again to the particular site. After the introductory verses celebrating the bastions of Zion (1-3), the poem moves back in time (vv. 4-8) to the routing of a naval expedition at some unspecified point in the past, within which is recessed the memory of a more distant and archetypal past, since the report of the naval victory uses language alluding to the drowning of the Egyptians as it is described in the Song of the Sea (Exod. 15). Geographically, the poem moves not only down to the Mediterranean shore but to the known ends of the earth, for the invading fleet is said to come from Tarshish (Jonah’s distant destination), in Cilicia, Spain, or who knows where to the west. The last of the poem’s three segments (vv. 9-14) takes us back to Zion, “in the midst of your temple” (v. 9) and once more all around those ramparts that are testimony in stone to God’s protection of his people. Moreover, the safeguarding that he provided in the event just recalled and at the time of the Exodus before it, will continue for all time: thus the pilgrims are enjoined to tell of God’s power to “generations to come” (v. 13), for he who has elected this city will remain “our God forever” (v. 14).

 

Finally, it is well to bear in mind that the architectural metaphor of structure, with its implication of something solid and static, inevitably does a certain injustice to poetic form, which reveals itself to us progressively in time as we read from line to line. The dynamic character of structure in Psalms is particularly evident in those poems where the utterances are organized in an implicitly narrative sequence. Thus Psalm 97 is not just an acclamation of God’s variously manifested majesty, as it might seem to the casual eye, but a vivid narrative enactment of his power as the world’s king. As in victory poems devoted to the Lord of Battles (compare Ps. 18), God is first seen on his throne enveloped in cloud, then sending forth fire and hurling lightning bolts across the earth (vv. 2-4). The very mountains melt like wax before this onslaught of divine effulgence (v. 5), and all peoples then acclaim his greatness; every conscious creature, from idolators to divine beings, does fealty to him (vv. 6-7). Israel is now inserted in this global picture, exulting in its God who is the God of all the world, as his fiery epiphany had just demonstrated. Furthermore, a nice symmetry of envelope structure is superimposed on the entire narrative sequence. The poem begins: “The Lord reigns! / Let the earth exult, / let the many islands rejoice.” To mark the transition of the second half of the poem from all the earth to Israel, the paired verbs of the beginning recur: “Zion hears and rejoices, / the towns of Judea exult” (v. 8). The final verse picks up one of these two verbs, “rejoice,” which as a noun, “joy,” ends the previous verse:

Light is sown for the righteous,

   and for the upright, joy.

Rejoice, you righteous in the Lord,

   and praise his holy name.   (vv.11-12)

Thus the double structure of the poem, narrative and envelope, exemplifies the psalmodic fashioning of specific forms to match specific perceptions. We experience through the significant shape of this psalm a just order in creation, events moving in a sequence that compels appropriate response: Israel, the nations of the earth, the very angels above, are aligned in a hierarchy of correspondences that bears witness to the universal majesty of the Creator.

 

Themes

The Book of Psalms reflects certain distinctive and recurrent thematic concerns. These are not, as one might at first think, coextensive with psalmodic genre but, on the contrary, tend to cut across the different genres. Many of the characteristic themes share the archetypicality we observed in psalmodic imagery, and the power with which these archetypal themes are evoked may explain a good deal about why the poems have continued to move readers, both believers and nonbelievers, in cultural and historical setting far different from those in which the poems were first made. Little will be served by attempting a comprehensive catalogue of the themes of Psalms, but a few representative illustrations may suggest something of this power of timeless reference that so many of the poems possess.

 

One of the most common themes in the collection is death and rebirth. It is equally prominent in the supplication and in the thanksgiving psalm, a fact that makes more understandable the element of fluidity or dialectic interplay noted earlier between these two seemingly opposed genres. The prehistory of the theme might justifiably be viewed as a monotheistic—and metaphoric—reworking of a pagan mythological plot, the death and miraculous rebirth of a god (in the Mesopotamian tradition, Tammuz). Most of the poems draw on a common repertoire of images: the gates of Sheol (the underworld), the darkness of the pit populated by mere shades, or, in an alternative marine setting, as in Jonah’s thanksgiving psalm, the overwhelming breakers of the sea. Illness and other kinds of dangers, perhaps even spiritual distress, are represented as a descent into the underworld from which the Lord is entreated to bring the person back or, in the thanksgiving poems, is praised for having brought him back. The effectiveness of this vestigially mythological plot is that it can speak powerfully to so many different predicaments, in the psalmist’s time and ever since—for those who believe in resurrection, for those who feel the chill threat of literal extinction here and now, for those who have suffered one sort or another of inward dying. Thus in a memorable line by that most psalmodic of English poets, George Herbert, “After so many deaths I live and write,” the metaphor has the virtual effect of literal fact. In much the same way, the poet of Psalm 88, as his language makes evident, has a clear sense that he is conjuring with a metaphor, and yet his tale of descent into death has the force of experiential truth:

For my soul is sated with troubles,

   my life’s reached the brink of Sheol.

I’m counted with those who go down to the Pit,

   I’m like a man with no strength,

Abandoned among the dead,

   like the bodies that lie in the grave

whom you remember no more,

   from your hand are cut off.

You’ve thrust me into the bottommost Pit,

   in darkness, in the depths.

Your wrath lies hard upon me,

   with all your breakers you afflict me.  (vv.3-8)

It goes without saying that whatever themes the various psalms treat are caught in the heavily charged field of relationship between man and God. Thus, longing, dependence, desperation, exultation become elements in the series of remarkable love poems—once more, cutting across psalmodic genre—addressed by man to God. Religious experience attains a new contemplative and emotive inwardness in these poems. The radically new monotheistic idea that God is everywhere is rendered as the most immediately apprehended existential fact:

If I soar to heaven, you are there,

   if I make my bed in Sheol, again you’re there.

If I take wing with the dawn,

   dwell at the end of the West,

there, too, your hand guides me,

   your right hand holds me fast.  (139:8-10)

The hiding of God’s face or presence is one of the greatest terrors the psalm-poets can contemplate, and the cry of many a suppliant in these poems is impelled by the urgency of a desperate lover: “I stretched out my hands to you, / my soul’s like thirsty earth to you” (143:6).

 

One of the most ubiquitous themes in the various genres of Psalms is language itself. There seems to be a development from a formal organizing device to the self-conscious investigation of a theme. That is, as befits poems which may often have been recited in a cultic setting, many of the thanksgiving psalms begin and end with the declared intention of praising, extolling, thanking God, and many of the supplications begin and end by entreating God to hear the plea, pay heed, and rescue. But the poets very often proceed from these formulas of inception and conclusion to ponder the uses and power of the medium of language they employ. The supplication often quite explicitly raises questions about efficacy of man’s speech to God, the possibility of an answering speech from God to man, the tensions between speech and silence, the different functions of language for crying out in anguish and for exploring the enduring enigmas of man’s creaturely condition. (Psalm 39, which we glanced at earlier, strikingly unites all these concerns.) The thanksgiving psalm stresses speech/song as the distinctive human gift for recognizing God’s greatness, a gift that God is some sense almost to need. Psalm 30 is an instructive case in point because it juxtaposes the two kinds of discourse, entreaty and praise, underlining both the efficacy of the former (the speaker in his former plight had “cried out” to the Lord) and the necessity of the latte. Embedded in the narrative structure of this poem are two different instances of direct discourse—what the speaker said to himself in his complacency before disaster overtook him, and a brief “text” of his actual entreaty to God in the time of his distress. The common psalmodic theme that the dead cannot praise God is given special conviction here: to be humanly alive is to celebrate God’s bounties, which is what God has enabled this speaker to do by rescuing him from the underworld.

 

Finally, many of the psalm-poets, especially those who draw on Wisdom motifs, are acutely aware of the contradictory character of language. Psalm12, which we touched on in considering possibilities of structure, nicely illustrates this consciousness of the double nature of speech. There is never any radical skepticism about the efficacy of language in the Bible because God, the cosmogonic language-user and the planter of the linguistic faculty in man, remains the ultimate guarantor for language. But if speech can be used to express true feelings (the supplication) and to name the truth (the thanksgiving psalm), it may also be turned into a treacherous instrument of deception. These two divergent possibilities are often expressed through two opposing clusters of images—language as a weapon, a sharp-edged arrow, or burning coal (compare Ps. 120), and language as a perfect vessel, a beautifully unalloyed substance, “refined sevenfold” (12:7).

 

All in all, the preoccupation with language tells us a great deal about the kind of poetry that has been brought together in the Book of Psalms. The vision of a horizon of “pure speech” suggests a confident effort to make poetry serve as adequate, authentic expression, from the lips of man to the ear of God, and hence the frequent sense of powerful directness, of unadorned feeling, in these poems. But the awareness of language as an instrument, as awareness often made explicit in the texts, reflects a craftsman’s knowingness about the verbal artifices through which the poet realizes his meanings. Both these perceptions about language and poetry need to be kept in mind if we are to be able to gauge the greatness of the poems. The sundry psalms are finely wrought with the most cunning turns of poetic artifice, subtly and consciously deploying and reworking a particular set of literary conventions; and yet in their stylistic traditionalism and archetypal range they often manage to convey the persuasive illusion of a perfect simplicity beyond the calculations and contrivances of art.

A Literary Perspective on the Biblical ‘Canon’

Image from amazon.com

Image from amazon.com

[First posted in 2012.  This is from:  The Literary Guide to the Bible, eds. Robert Alter and Frank Kermode. Reformatting and highlights added.]

 

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The Canon

Frank Kermode

 

This chapter  offers some explanation of the processes by which the Bible came to include the books it does—insofar as that can be done in reasonable space, if indeed at all—and to venture some remarks on the consequences of their transmission to us as a single book. But it is necessary to begin by saying why we have chosen this particular version of the Bible; for there are many differently constituted Bibles, each with its own version of the canon, and it might be thought that our choice is quite arbitrary.

 

  • Most obviously, the Jewish Bible lacks the twenty-seven books of the New Testament.
  • The Jewish Bible in Greek—a collection of great antiquity and authority—differs as to contents, and frequently as to text, from the Hebrew Bible.
  • The Latin Bible of the Roman Catholic tradition contains in its Old Testament books dismissed by the Bibles of the Reformed churches as apocryphal.
  • Those churches include as their Old Testament the books of the Hebrew Bible and the twenty-seven New Testament books.
    • This is the ”Bible” treated in the present book;
    • it is what most people think of when they think of the Bible;
    • it is the collection to which modern literatures mostly refer;
    • and the fact that all Bibles have them, no matter what else they include, gives them an importance greater than that of the disputed elements.

This does not imply a literary judgment on the works excluded, nor does it reflect a belief that all the canonical books are of superior merit.

 

We do not understand all the criteria of canonicity, but we know enough to be sure that modern criteria of literary quality have no relevance to them.  Even the most learned explanations of how the constituent books found themselves together in a canon are highly speculative and have to deal with an intractable mixture of myth and history.

 

Once a sacred book is fully formed, deemed to be unalterable and wholly inspired, it acquires a prehistory suitable to its status and related only very loosely to historical fact or probability.

 

The real history involves all manner of external influences:

 

  • for example, the closing of the Jewish canon must be in some sense consequent upon the waning of Hebrew as a spoken language,
  • and upon the destruction of the Temple in 70 C.E., when the book rather than theTemple cult became central to religion.
  • Already there were more Jews in the Diaspora than in Palestine, so the time for such a change was ripe, and the Bible already holy, acquired an extra cultic sanctity.

In the case of the New Testament it seems possible that—

 

  • the lack of an appropriate technology prevented its achieving definitive shape until the fourth century.
  • The Christians preferred the codex or leaf-book to the scroll,only in the fourth century did it become possible to produce a codex that would hold all the accepted Christian Scriptures.
    • and during the earlier period these newfangled codices could not contain texts of any great extent;
  • Thus canon formation is affected by what seem on the face of it to be political, economic, and technological forces without immediate religious or literary relevance.

The legendary account of the growth of the Bible tells of—

  • the destruction of the sacred books during the Babylonian Captivity
  • and their reconstruction by the divinely inspired memory of Ezra.

By this time (fifth century B.C.E.) the canon was virtually complete, though Daniel, traditionally ascribed to the sixth century, was added in the second.

At the end of the first century C.E. a final list was established at the Council of Jamnia.

 

A more scholarly account would say that—-

 

  • the importance of the Law after the return from Babylon speeded the process by which all the disparate material in the Pentateuch acquired final form and authority;
  • the other two sections, the Prophets and the Writings, developed at a different pace,
  • and in some instances, notably that of the Song of Songs, there was dispute about a book’s status well into the second century C.E., tradition has it that the Song of Songs was saved by the advocacy of Aquiba, as a religious allegory.
  • Although the proceedings at Jamnia are not nowadays thought to have been concerned with the canon, the learned still appear to accept the date, ca. 100 C.E., as about right for the closure of the canon.
  • It was of course necessary to leave things out as well as let things in, and a distinction was drawn between.  Such was the practice as early as Ezra, who, according to legend, set aside for the use of the wise seventy books apart from the Scripture proper.
    • books which “defiled the hands” because of their sacred quality,
    • and “outside” books which presumably failed this test, though they might still be granted a certain extra-canonical utility.
  • Books thus set aside or hidden away would be apocrypha in the original sense; the word later acquired dyslogistic overtones, and the apocryphal came to mean the false or inauthentic.

It would be wrong to suppose that all the constituent books were submitted to the same impartial examination.

 

  • The Five Books of Moses were naturally of unassailable authority,
  • as were the Psalms
  • and the Prophets.

The invocation of Old Testament texts in the Gospels is evidence, if such were needed, of the reverence accorded the Scriptures in a time before the canon was finally established. One might say that there was a canonical habit of mind before there was finally a canon, and that it was in evidence during the long centuries that separate Ezra from 100 C.E.

 

There is some question whether it is proper to speak of a Jewish canon at all, and insofar as it has to be accepted as corresponding to real historical developments it may be thought of as a fictional construct concealing the historical truth.

Thus the large redactive enterprises carried out on the Torah are concealed by its canonical form, and scholarship has to break it down again into its original components.

 

It is true that revisions of the Old Testament books were carried out in response to external pressures—for example,

 

  • the political needs of post-Exilic Israel,
  • and, in the first century C.E., the centrifugal force of heresy and schism.

But the fact that Judaism reacted to these forces by affirming the cohesion of the Scriptures and, ultimately, by effectively closing the canon is sufficient evidence not only of the significance of the individual books, but of the belief that their power was enhanced by membership in a whole greater than the sum of its parts.

 

The evolution of the New Testament is another story, though hardly less complicated and conjectural.

 

The first Christians already had a Bible—the Jewish Bible in various forms, Hebrew and Greek and Aramaic—and saw no need of another.

 

What was central to their beliefs was transmitted by oral tradition; indeed the authority of that tradition survived into the second century, although most of what to become the New Testament already existed.

 

The power of the oral tradition did not reduce the Christian commitment to the Jewish Scriptures; the faithful lived in the end time, history was coming to a close, and events would all occur “according to the scriptures,” as they had in the life of Jesus. In a sense the oral tradition took its place beside the Scriptures, just as the Jewish tradition of oral interpretation filled out the implications of the written Torah. In the end both were written down, but the Christian writings came earlier, partly because as the years passed it must have seemed important to perpetuate the increasingly fragile oral testimony of the works and sayings of Jesus.

 

One consequent of the growth of Christian Scripture was the transformation of the Old Testament into quite a different book, a sort of unintended prologue to the New Testament. Whether it should be retained at all became a serious question; and the reasons for keeping it were of a kind that had nothing to do with Judaism.

 

The gradual replacement of the oral tradition by writing was the necessary prelude to the establishment of a canon, with all the consequences of that development.

  • Oral tradition is quite different from written;
    • it is variable,
    • subject to human memory (however aided by mnemonics),
    • discontinuous,
    • selective,
    • and affected by feedback from audiences.
    • It would encourage its transmitters to invent
    • and to add interpretations.

It has been suggested that Mark’s Gospel—which we take to be the first of the canonical four—resulted from a conscious rejection of the oral tradition, which it represents as virtually extinct (the women at the tomb fail to transmit an oral message to the disciples) or as corrupted by the false preachers and prophets Mark assails in chapter 13.

 

Neither Paul nor the evangelists wrote with the object of adding to the existing Bible; indeed the only book of the New Testament that claims such inspired status is Revelation, with its threat of damnation to anybody presuming to add to it.

 

  • Paul’s earliest letters belong to about 50 C.E.;
  • the Gospels are of uncertain date, the consensus being that they belong to some time between 60 and 90 C.E., though earlier dates have been proposed.
  • It seems likely that the contents of the New Testament were written over a span of something close to a century,
  • and none of them by writers who supposed they were candidates for entry into a fixed corpus of Scripture.

It is easier to understand why gospels got written (though less easy to see why they took the form they have) than to guess why four, no more and no less, were finally accepted. There must have been many more, and it appears that in the second century there were three versions of Mark available, one public, one reserved for the few, and another used by a Gnostic sect and condemned by the orthodox. Only the public version survives.

 

John was also attractive to Gnostics, and there was accordingly stiff opposition to his inclusion in the canon. Here again we need to remember that “gospel” originally meant not a piece of writing but the good news proclaimed by Jesus; the evangelists wrote down their versions of this news, which were labeled “the Gospel according to X,” and eventually the term came to mean also this new genre.

 

The relation of these new documents to the existing Scriptures was a matter for dispute; the heretic Marcion wanted to do away with the Jewish Scriptures altogether, and to recognize as authoritative only a version of Luke and of some Pauline letters. It was conceivably in response to such ideas that orthodoxy felt it must decide what had authority and what didn’t, settling on four Gospels as part of the New Covenant or Testament.

 

The concept of a new covenant and of its fulfilling or even replacing an older one is immediately indebted to the Eucharist, for Jesus spoke of the cup as the new covenant (he kaine diatheke) (1 Cor. 11:25, Luke 22:20), and ultimately to the covenantal element in Jewish theology.

 

When Paul (2 Cor. 3:14) talks about the Jewish dispensation as the old written covenant now replaced by that of Christ—the letter replaced by the Spirit—he is still thinking of the new testament (this is the Latin translation of diatheke) as unwritten. Indeed the expressions diatheke and testamentum (sometimes instrumentum) were not applied to the new writings until late in the second century, by which time the idea of a body of authoritative Christian writings, including the letters of Paul and the four Gospels, was well established.

 

In the intervening period it is probable that the originals were altered or augmented for the sake of doctrine or inclusiveness; they were not thought of as inspired. Reasons for holding them to be so were provided later. Only when their inspiration became an issue did the discrepancies among the four seem to call for attention.

 

Around 170 C.E. Tatian produced his Diatessaron (“Through the Four”), the first of many attempts to harmonize the Gospels. The idea of producing synopses to expose rather than eliminate the differences and facilitate research into relations and priorities arose many centuries later in modern biblical criticism.

 

Fanciful explanations were available for there being four Gospels, no more and no less:
  • the compass has four points,
  • the cherubim four faces;
  • there are four covenants,
    • associated with Adam, Noah, Moses, and Christ.

The discrepancies among them could be explained as a test of faith. Perhaps the commonsense answer is that of Harry Y. Gamble, that the fourfold Gospels represent “a precarious balance between unmanageable multiplicity on the one hand and a single self-consistent gospel on the other.” At any rate the four came to be canonical.

 

Other books were scrutinized according to criteria on the nature of which there is still much dispute, though it is interesting to note that the tests applied were in part philological. It was noticed, for instance,

 

  • that the Greek of Revelation is not that of the evangelist John, to whom it was attributed;
  • and that the Greek of Hebrews is of a quality sufficient to prove that it was not written by Paul—
  • perhaps, it was proposed, Luke wrote it up from notes.
  • Doubts were entertained concerning 2 Peter and 2-3 John.

These issues never quite died away and were important at the time of Reformation, since sola scriptura requires one to be sure what scriptura really is. Luther at first rejected Revelation and had grave doubts about James. But all these works have survived in the canon.

 

As time passed Christianity also became to a great extent dependent on a book, and although the authority of the oral tradition survived—and continues to survive in the magisterium of the Roman Church—the written word acquired the greater power.

 

There remained the need to close the canon, and the date given for this is 367 C.E., when Athanasius listed the twenty-seven books as the only canonical ones. He actually used the word, and also gave a list of rejected books, which he called apocrypha. Doubts persisted, and there may be argument as to whether the canon can really be said to be closed; but it is not been added to as yet, nor has anything been taken away from it; and it is hard to see how the Gospel of Thomas, discovered in this century, if added to the canon, could partake of the authority acquired by the others over the years.

 

Kanona Greek word originally meaning “rod,” came to signify many other things,

  • including an ethical norm or a rule or criterion.
  • It could also mean a list of books,
  • sometimes—and this is the beginning of the biblical sense—a list of recommended books.
  • By 400 C.E. it meant, for Christians, only those books held to be holy and of authority.

The Jewish canon, even though it was not so called, had similar qualities.

  • It is characteristic of the Jewish tradition that great care taken over the transmission by copying of the sacred text, which was held to be unalterable and without corruption, though, as bibliographers know well, this is humanly impossible.
  • The books contained within the canon or canons are held to be inspired and to be interrelated like the parts of a single book.
  • Their relations with “outside” books are of a quite different order. It is important to understand the extraordinary privilege of these inside books.

Religious and political history would have been unimaginably different if the apocalyptic prophecies of Daniel had been excluded from the Old Testament, or those of Revelation from the New. John Barton has some interesting observations on the overwhelming importance of inclusion in the canon: suppose Ecclesiastes had been turned down, lost, and rediscovered recently among the documents at Qumran—would it not be virtually a different book from the one we have? Canonization can thus, as it were, alter the meanings of books.

 

The doctrine that the Bible is its own interpreter was held in different circumstances by both the rabbis and Luther, and the belief that one can best interpret a text by associating it with another text of similar authority clearly presupposes a canon; the idea of explorable correspondences between every part would be absurd if one had no certainty about the extent of the whole.

If the entire text is inspired—a belief deeply held by the Jews, with their scrupulousness about every jot and tittle, and given formal expression for the Christian canon at the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century—then the most fleeting echo, perhaps only of a single word, is significant. And given that everything is inspired, all possible relations among parts of the text are also inspired.

 

The poet George Herbert had these relations in mind when he wrote, in “The Holy Scriptures,II”:

Oh that I knew how all thy lights combine,
   And the configurations of their glorie!
   Seeing not onely how each verse doth shine,
But all the constellations of the storie.
This verse marks that, and both do make a motion
   Unto a third, that ten leaves off doth lie:
   Then as dispersed herbs do watch a potion,
These three make up some Christians destinie.
 

We can now specify certain characteristics of the mythical or magical view of the canon.

Regardless of innumerable historical vicissitudes, redactions, interpolations, and corruptions, the canonical text is held to be eternally fixed, unalterable, and of such immeasurable interpretative potential that it remains, despite its unaltered state, sufficient for all future times.

This perpetual applicability is established by a continuing tradition of interpretation, as the relevance of old texts to new times always is. Interpretation is controlled by changing rules but is remarkably free, for the canonical book, itself fixed in time and probably in a dead language, has to be made relevant to an unforeseen future. It must prefigure history: hence we have typological interpretations. The book becomes a mythical model of the world: the Torah is said to be identical with the Creation, the Christian Bible becomes the twin of the Book of Nature. And the exploration of these world-books requires interpreters who can study the subtle hidden structures just as physicists and chemists (or their ancestors, the alchemists and astrologers and magician) studied the created world.

It is hardly surprising that the assumptions underlying these views collapsed with the onset of modern scientific philology. From the beginning the canon was seen as a late and arbitrary imposition on the books it contained. Those books should be studied like any other ancient texts, understood in their original senses, and valued for what they told us about the past, so that the work of the interpreter becomes primarily archaeological. It is not the book’s membership in a canon that gives it authority, but its report of or allusion to various historical events and persons. And of course the true as opposed to the legendary history of the formation of the canons supports this commonsense view of the matter, for there is little reason to believe that such a series of accidents, unexplained judgments, decisions taken under who knows what political or ecclesiastical duress, should result in a divinely privileged, exclusively sacred, compilation. For the factitious context of the canon the scholars substituted the larger contexts of history. They knew by what methods the sacred texts had been made closely applicable to modern situations; if the New Testament had not already taught them that lesson, the Dead Sea Scrolls, which applied ancient Scriptures exclusively to the concerns of a particular sect at a moment presumed to be just before the End, must have made it plain. And thus the canon, despite its importance in the formation and continuance of the religious institutions which indorsed it, seemed to crumble away. It was no longer a separate cognitive zone, merely a rather randomly assembled batch of historical texts; really, one may say, no longer a Bible so much as a collection of biblia.

 

Such attitudes are as old as “scientific” biblical criticism, from the beginnings of which in the late eighteenth century it was assumed, by Michaelis among others, that the canon was not uniformly inspired, and that by historical analysis one could even assist religion by finding out which books were inspired and which were not. Later the question of inspiration was dropped, or the word acquired a new sense. It might be difficult for some investigators to devote themselves to pure historical truth when it involved the dissolution of the New Testament into a scatter of fortuitously assembled occasional writings; for in most cases these scholars were Christians, and the New Testament is after all the foundation document of their religion. But there were ways out of that dilemma which did not involve their subscribing to obsolete and false ideas about the canon.

 

In recent years the historical-critical tradition, now well over two centuries old, has been under challenge. That tradition also made hermeneutical assumptions of which its practitioners were not fully aware. For example, they were ready to believe that older views on the canon and the status of the separate books could be dismissed as peculiar to their time and as founded on assumptions now evidently false; but they took it granted that they themselves were exempt from historical “situatedness,” that they could, without interference from their own prejudices (of which they were unaware), transport themselves across history in a pure and disinterested way. As Hans-Georg Gadamer has put it, the historical critic is always seeking in the text something that is not the text, something the text of itself, is not seeking to provide; “he will always go back behind [the texts] and the meaning they express [which he will decline to regard as their true meaning] to enquire into the reality of which they are the involuntary expression.” But it is possible to take an interest in the text and its own meaning; that is literary criticism proper, and Gadamer believes that it has for too long (in these circles) been regarded as “an ancillary discipline to history.”

 

The opposition that has lately developed to “scientific” disintegration of the canon is based on the idea that the Bible still ought to be treated as a “collection with parameters.” Brevard Childs, who uses these words, has studied both Testaments from the point of view of a revived but still moderate belief in canonicity. Childs wants to eliminate the tensions between historical criticism and an understanding of the Bible as canonical Scripture; he wants, not a return to precritical notions of the canon, but attention to its historical integrity; for he thinks it important that the canon was the product of historical interactions between the developing corpus and the changing community, not of some belated and extrinsic act of validation. And when fully formed the canon is not just an opaque wrapping that must be removed so that one can get as the contents and see them as they really were. Of course the constituents have their own histories, and it is good to know about them. But their preservation and their authority are owing not primarily to their usefulness as testimony to historical events. It is their capacity to be applied, their applicability to historical circumstances other than those of their origin, that has saved them alive.

 

Whatever one’s view of the controversy now in progress between defenders of the tradition of historical criticism and practitioners of what is now called “canonical criticism,” it is clear that the latter is not a primitive revival of precritical notions of plenary and exclusive inspiration. Since we are still living in an epoch in which the historical or “scientific” approach is normal, and therefore seems commonsensical or natural, we may tend to dismiss the opposition as merely eccentric. Yet its presuppositions are at least as defensible as those of the “normal” practitioners; both sides make large assumptions, the one believing that events and persons can be made available, as if by magic, to the reader, and the other that historical application can form a body of discrete writing into a whole—as if by magic.

 

This, of course, is a different kind of magic from the old one; yet the old one still exerts its attractions. It remains quite difficult to think of the wholeness of a canon without associating the idea with the wholeness of an organism or the wholeness of a world. We observe in the realm of secular literary criticism the powerful effect of canon formation on the kinds of attention paid to the books included, even though it is impossible to think of secular canons as closed with the same definitiveness as ecclesiastical canons. And it is undeniably attractive to be able to think of the canon as forming an intertextual system of great complexity, to be studied, by a weaker magic than was available in the past though it is still a kind of magic, as a fascinating array of occult relations, a world of words.

 

Goethe, commending Hamlet, said it was like a tree, each part of it there for, and by means of, all the others. Five hundred years earlier a Kabbalist said this of the Torah: “Just as a tree consists of branches and leaves, bark, sap and roots, each one of which components can be termed tree, there being no substantial difference between them, you will also find the Torah contains many things, and all form a single Torah and a tree, without difference between them… It is necessary to know that the whole is one unity.” Moses de Leon and Goethe appear to have had the same thought, though we could make the two statements sound very different by examining their contexts: one of them belongs to what we think of as Romantic organicism, the other to Kabbalistic mysticism and a Jewish tradition that has always accommodated change and variety of interpretation but has always thought of the Torah as an entity, coextensive with the created world.

 

A flatter, more rational version of the holisms of Goethe and Moses de Leon might be thought to suit us better in our own time. It is true that both historically and actually we grant a different form of attention to canonical books, and that secular criticism has seriously entertained notions of the literary canon that might well be thought to give it a kind of wholeness and a high degree of intertextual relations. Examples include the canonical element in the criticism of T.S. Eliot and the stronger holistic claims of Wilson Knight. It is surprising, therefore, that the professional biblical critics should feel a renewed obligation to save their canon. Schleiermacher, usually thought to be the founder of modern hermeneutics, was also a major New Testament scholar; he believed that the study of the constituents of the canon must be carried on by exactly the same methods and with the same object as the investigation of secular texts, but he also remarked that “a continuing preoccupation with the New Testament canon which was not motivated by one’s own interest in Christianity could only be directed against the canon.” It was out of such a conflict of interest that new ways of thinking about the interpretation of ancient texts developed, and new ways of thinking about history in general.

 

Whether the canon in question is Christian or Jewish or secular, we can no longer suppose that there is a simple choice between the historical and the canonical approach, since the two are now inextricably intertwined. It is an empirical fact that each book has its own history; it is also true that the association of many books is a canon was the result of a long historical process and owed much to chance and much to the needs and the thinking of people we know little or nothing about. But it is also a fact that works transmitted inside a canon are understood differently from those without, so that, if only in that sense, the canon, however assembled, forms an integral whole, the internal and external relations of which are both proper subjects of disinterested inquiry. Nor need we suppose that we have altogether eliminated from our study of canonical works every scrap of the old organicist assumptions, every concession to a magical view of these worlds and their profound, obscure correspondences. When we have achieved that degree of disinterests we shall have little use for the canon or for its constituents, and we shall have little use either for poetry.

 

Is YHWH the source of evil?

[This is a  revisit to a post resurrected from 2012 because of the topic which keeps recurring in today’s discussions of why this world is the way it is; where is God in the horrendous occurrences millennialists experience today?  Do we view human tragedy as coming from the hand of God? Or does the world, particularly nature as programmed by the Creator from the beginning of earthly time simply run on ‘automatic’ so that catastrophes are part of man’s failure to work with nature instead of against it?  Here is the original introduction to this post:

 

The one thing we should never say to any person who’s been a victim of tragedy or who has lost a loved one as a victim of violence is:  “It is God’s will.”  That is one statement that is sure to turn even a believer against God.  The other reminder that should not be said by well-meaning sympathizers to a grieving person is “God is real.”  It is bound to elicit a response such as “well . . . where was he when this was happening?”  Need anyone explain the unexplainable? Is there a satisfactory answer for understanding certain evils that do disrupt and wreak havoc on our lives?

 

This article has been in the back burner since August 2013; when a potential post not authored by a Sinaite is placed on ‘hold’ it only means we have asked permission to reprint but never got a reply.  We have reprinted articles from MeaningfulLife.com before and the only requirement is that we give the proper acknowledgment which we never fail to do.  And so I’m risking posting this now since the topic is well worth being discussed by the proper ‘authorities’, i.e. the custodians of the Hebrew Scriptures who dispense some of the best interpretations and commentaries one will ever come across . . . and why not, they are in the best position to understand the God whose words are enshrined in their TNK.

 

Reformatted and highlights added.—Admin 1.]

 

 

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The Translation of Evil

 

 

See, I give you today the blessing and the curse.

– Deuteronomy 11:26

 

 

“The blessing and the curse”: all phenomena, and all human activity, seem subject to categorization by these two most basic definers of reality.  A development is either positive or negative, an occurrence either fortunate or tragic, an act either virtuous or iniquitous.

Indeed, the principle of “free choice”—that man has been granted the absolute autonomy to choose between good and evil—lies at the heart of the Torah’s most basic premise: that human life is purposeful. That our deeds are not predetermined by our nature or any universal law, but are the product of our independent volition, making us true “partners with G‑d in creation” whose choices and actions effect the continuing development of the world as envisioned by its Creator.

Philosophers and theologians of all ages have asked:

  • From where does this dichotomy stem?
  • Does evil come from G‑d?
  • If G‑d is the exclusive source of all, and is the essence of good, can there be evil in His work?
  • If He is the ultimate unity and singularity, can there exist such duality within His potential?

 

In the words of the prophet Jeremiah,

“From the Supernal One’s word there cannot emerge both evil and good” (Lamentations 3:38).

Yet the Torah unequivocally states:

“See, I am giving you today the blessing and the curse”

I, and no other, am the exclusive source and grantor of both.

Transmutation

 

One approach to understanding the Torah’s conception of “the blessing and the curse” is to see how this verse is rendered by the great translators of the Torah.

 

Aramaic, which was widely spoken by the Jewish people for fifteen centuries, is the “second language” of the Torah.   It is the language of the Talmud, and even of several biblical chapters. There are also a number of important Aramaic translations of the Torah, including one compiled at the end of the first century CE by Onkelos, a Roman convert to Judaism who was a nephew of the emperor Titus; and a translation compiled a half-century earlier by the great Talmudic sage Rabbi Yonatan ben Uziel.

 

In Onkelos’ translation, the Hebrew word kelalah in the above-quoted verse is translated literally as “curse” (levatin in the Aramaic).   But in Rabbi Yonatan’s translation, the verse appears thus: “See, I give you today the blessing and its transmutation.” The author is not merely avoiding the unsavory term “curse”—he himself uses that term but three verses later in Deuteronomy 11:29, and in a number of other places in the Torah where the word kelalah appears.  Also, if Rabbi Yonatan just wanted to avoid using a negative expression, he would have written “the blessing and its opposite” or some similar euphemism. The Aramaic word he uses, chilufa, means “exchange” and “transmutation,” implying that “the curse” is something which devolves from the blessing and is thus an alternate form of the same essence.

 

In the words of our sages, “No evil descends from heaven”—only two types of good. The first is a “blatant” and obvious good—a good which can be experienced only as such in our lives. The other is also good, for nothing but good can “emerge from the Supernal One”; but it is a “concealed good,” a good that is subject to how we choose to receive and experience it.  Because of the free choice granted us, it is in our power to distort these heavenly blessings into curses, to subvert these positive energies into negative forces.

 

Onkelos’s is the more “literal” of the two translations. Its purpose is to provide the student with the most rudimentary meaning of the verse.  The verse, in the Hebrew, says “the blessing and the curse,” and Onkelos renders it as such in the Aramaic.

 

Anyone searching for the deeper significance of the negative in our world must refer to those Torah texts which address such issues.  On the other hand, the translation of Rabbi Yonatan ben Uziel provides a more esoteric interpretation of the Torah, incorporating many Midrashic and Talmudic insights.  So instead of simply calling “the curse” a curse, it alludes to the true significance of what we experience as evil in our lives.  In essence, Rabbi Yonatan is telling us, what G‑d gives is good; but G‑d has granted us the ability to experience both “the blessing and its transmutation”—to divert His goodness to destructive ends, G‑d forbid.  This also explains why Rabbi Yonatan translates kelalah as “transmutation” in the above-cited verse (verse 26) and in a later verse (verse 28), yet in verse 29 he renders it literally as “curse,” in the manner of Onkelos.

 

In light of the above, the reason for the differentiation is clear: the first two verses speak of G‑d’s giving us both a blessing and a “curse”; but G‑d does not give curses—only the option and capability to “transmute” His blessings. On the other hand, the third verse
(“And it shall come to pass, when the L‑rd your G‑d has brought you into the land . . . you shall declare the blessing on Mount Gerizim and the curse on Mount Eival”)

—speaks of our articulation of the two pathways of life, where the “concealed good” can be received and perceived as an actual “curse.”

 

Galut

 

On a deeper level, the different perspectives on the nature of evil expressed by these two Aramaic translations of the Torah reflect the spiritual-historical circumstances under which they were compiled.  Galut, the state of physical and spiritual displacement in which we have found ourselves since the destruction of the Holy Temple and our exile from our land nearly two thousand years ago, is a primary cause for the distortion of G‑d’s blessing into “its transmutation.”

 

When the people ofIsrael inhabited the Holy Land and experienced G‑d’s manifest presence in the Holy Temple in Jerusalem, they experienced the divine truth as a tactual reality. The intrinsic goodness and perfection of all that comes from G‑d was openly perceivable and accessible.  Galut, on the other hand, is a state of being which veils and distorts our soul’s inner vision, making it far more difficult to relate to the divine essence in every event and experience of our lives.   Galut is an environment in which the “concealed good” that is granted us is all too readily transmuted into negativity and evil.

 

The translation by Rabbi Yonatan ben Uziel, also called the “Jerusalem Translation,”1 was compiled in the Holy Land in the generation before the Temple’s destruction. The very fact that its authorship was necessary—that for many Jews the language of the Torah was no longer their mother tongue, and the word of G‑d was accessible only through the medium of a vernacular—bespeaks the encroaching galut.   The “concealed good” was already being experienced as something other than an expression of G‑d’s loving relationship with us.  Still, in Rabbi Yonatan’s day the Holy Temple stood in Jerusalem. The descending veil of galut was translucent still, allowing the recognition, if not the experience, of the true nature of reality.   One was aware that what one perceived as negative in one’s life was a distortion of the divine goodness.

 

T he Onkelos Translation was compiled a generation later, by the nephew of the Roman emperor who destroyed the Holy Temple and drove the people of Israel into exile. In Onkelos’ day, the galut had intensified to the point that the prevalent reality wasthatofaworlddichotomized by good and evil, a world in which the “concealed good” is regarded as simply “the curse.”  But it is precisely such a world that offers the ultimate in freedom of choice, which, in turn, lends true import and significance to the deeds of man. It is precisely such a world that poses the greater—and more rewarding—challenge: to reveal the underlying goodness, unity and perfection of G‑d’s creation.

 

FOOTNOTES
1.Certain editions of the Chumash include both a “Translation of Yonatan ben Uziel” as well as a “Jerusalem Translation.” According to most commentaries, these are two versions of the same work.

 

 

BASED ON THE TEACHINGS OF THE LUBAVITCHER REBBE
Originally published in Week in Review.

 

Republished with the permission of MeaningfulLife.com. If you wish to republish this article in a periodical, book, or website, please email permissions@meaningfullife.com.

 

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Laws on stone, why not in heart and mind and lifestyle?

Image from www.toonpool.com

Image from www.toonpool.com

[First posted in 2015.  A visitor recently clicked it and brought it to our attention,; indeed, it’s time for a repost! —Admin1.]

 

—————-

Ponder this:  what did the original tablets given to Moses look like?

The Creator who made this perfect universe chooses to produce one more item made from already existing material;  the first time he did  this was when he formed “adamah” (representative humanity) from the dust of the earth.   This time He produces for Moses 2 stone tablets on which He metaphorically inscribes with His ‘handwriting’, (in Hebrew alphabet presumably),  the essence of divine standards for how adamah,  ‘humanity created in His image’ should live.  

 

The connection between the two is subtle but significant and should not be lost on clueless readers, so let us spell it out:

 

The Creator who now appears as Revelator intended the created being made from existing dust to live according to a set of guidelines, ‘laws’ if you will, that the Law-Giver Himself determines for the only creature made in His image.  

 

Free will and choice are intertwined in yet another test of acceptance . . . or non-acceptance,  imposed no longer upon two human genders (first man and woman) but this time upon two categories of people (the ‘chosen’ that will become Israel, and non-chosen non-Israelite) in the “mixed multitude” liberated from Egyptian bondage, now assembled on Sinai, waiting for “what next?”  

 

Let us not miss the message; the lesson (not the non-existent devil)  is in the details.

 

 

Now back to the original set of tablets given to Moses, ‘ready made’.   Moses had no participation in this first set.   Just think:  what would tablets made by YHWH Himself look like and would their appearance mean something?

 

 What are we getting at?

  • Would the material of the tablets reflect the place where virtually every human being starts—rough, raw, imperfect in his earthly ways?
  • Or would the material represent the TORAH-transformed life, when a person’s mind and heart is seared by the very commandments of his new Master so that he willingly applies these to his conduct?
  • Or, would the material reflect the longings of the human heart to be perfect, a material of supreme value that demonstrates the human ideal, the highest he could aspire for? 

Are we reading too much in this simple narrative?  Perhaps not, literary critics of the Hebrew Scriptures point to the remarkable characteristic of the language, the narrative style,  in effect — “so much meaning in so few words.”  It is for the reader/listener/receiver of the message to connect the dots.  

 

Image from ccmlbv.tumblr.com

Image from ccmlbv.tumblr.com

While googling free images of the Ten Commandments, there was as usual, quite a variety to choose from, reflecting the creative imagination of bible illustrators:  from rough looking rectangles with rough uneven shapes, to polished perfect tablets with the familiar rounded-top.

 

 Now remember that this is the 1st original divine-issued tablets, not the 2nd human-hewn available desert material Moses had to reproduce later after he had broken the first pair.  

 

Ponder these:

  •  Why is this discussion bothering to focus on the material of the two tablets instead of on the more important Message from the Creator/Revelator/Law-Giver Who identified Himself as YHWH?  Of course the message is more important but don’t overlook the peripherals, the unstated or understated message.
  • Just think:  has any other god (albeit non-existent in reality but existent in human idolater’s minds) from antiquity issued commandments that have survived to this day as the supreme guide for ideal conduct for all humankind?  Some ancient religious cultures do claim so but theirs have not reached universal acceptance and application.  In fact these TEN have been widely embraced and even enshrined in important government edifices (specially in court buildings) in democratic societies.

 

Unbelievers and skeptics today don’t even realize the source of democratic ideals they adhere to as they live moral and ethical lives.  

 

Perhaps the most interesting image that turned up in google is the biggest structure that landed in the Guinness World Records and which, ironically, is right in the home  city of our core group of Sinai 6000:
.

A boy looks at the world's largest tablet of the ten commandments on display in Baguio City, north of Manila

http://ph.news.yahoo.com/philippines-gets-worlds-largest-ten-commandments-143349108.html

TEXT:  A building-sized edifice carved with the Bible’s Ten Commandments was unveiled Wednesday in the Philippines, making it the largest tablet of its kind, according to Guinness World Records.
The tablet, a copy of the rules supposedly handed down by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, was inaugurated by city officials on a hill overlooking the northern resort city of Baguio. A local religious group, donated the imposing 152.90 square metre (1,650 square foot) tablet to the city as they were presented a certificate from Guinness World Records:
 “This beautiful and divine edifice will serve to drive away the evils of spirits that time and again emerge,” said Baguio Congressman Bernardo Vergara at the inauguration. “May it drive away evils of illegal drugs, gambling, prostitution.”
The religious leader who sponsored the project, Grace Galindez-Gupana, topped her previous world record, attained in 2009 when she built a similar 65-square-metre tablet on a hill outside Manila.

 

The blog that followed this article and image is typical of the controversy that arises from any discussion of the 10 Commandments.  Why is this so? The first reaction is usually about which version was used in the text, the Catholic version or the Protestant/Evangelical version?  Nobody bothers to ask about the original version in the Hebrew Scriptures;  isn’t that strange for a religion that claims its adherents are under grace and not law?  

 

The 4th commandment is legible from the photograph, as the Sabbath, so the designers, thankfully, followed the true listing.

 

Image from suzannepayingattention.blogspot.com

Image from suzannepayingattention.blogspot.com

For the local officials to presume that setting up this monument will eliminate the evils in the community without the local government itself acting is wishful thinking and selective; why not throw in corruption, bribery, cheating in elections, misuse of government funds, modern slavery, and not to forget—church-cover up of clerical pedophelia, etc.— to the obvious short list of social evils cited: ‘illegal drugs, gambling, prostitution.” 

 

 

 External reminders are useless when these laws are not internalized and reflected in the lives of the population.  Governing leaders, legislators and enforcers of the law have to do their part to eradicate evil and ills in any society starting with being models themselves of the Torah lifestyle, basically the 10 C’s. And more importantly—enforce the laws equally and make sure justice is served. 

 

Jeremiah 31:31 speaks of a “new covenant” which has been misunderstood and therefore misused and misapplied by Christianity to refer to the “new covenant” with them, the “new Israel” as explained all over their “new testament”.    When one carefully reads the details (yes, YHWH the LawGiver is in the details), one will see who are the two parties involved in this RENEWED covenant spoken of by Jeremiah.  

 

The parties are the same as in the first covenant on Sinai, on what became the feast of Shavuot (anniversary of the giving of the Torah and virtually the official status of Israel as a recognizable national entity in that ancient world):

 

  • YHWH the Law-Giver,
  • and Israel/the mixed multitude as the Law-Receiver.  

 

What is the original covenant about?

 

 YHWH’s  guidelines for living for His people, and that would include any individual outside of Israel who embraces Him, the God of Israel, as God and Lord (gentiles in the mixed multitude who become integrated with Israelites).

 

 

What is the renewed or “new” covenant about?

 

It is still about His TORAH.  

 

That covenant is reiterated in Jeremiah 31:31-34 but what is the difference if there is any?

 

 Instead of being written on tablets of stone, the Law will be written on minds and hearts.  

 

By whom?  

 

Remember Who placed His signature on tablets of stone?  That same One. His Signature is in every one of us.  That is why every individual born on this earth has a sense of YHWH’s standard of right and wrong,  without having heard of Torah, even when he is in another world religion with a different scripture worshipping a god with another name.  That sense of right and wrong is inborn, as restated by the Creator-Revelator-LawGiver through His mouthpiece Jeremiah.  

 

That is what Rabbis teach as one of two inclinations in humanity—

  • the inclination to do good as opposed to—
  • the inclination to do the opposite of good.  

 

Choice . . . because humanity was divinely endowed with free will which they never lost;  humans are not ‘helpless’ and ‘hopeless’ because of ‘original sin’;  humans are born in ‘neutral’ condition with the two inclinations; otherwise what is the precious gift of free will for if it cannot be exercised?  Further, what use is free will in a context where there is only one choice or none,  except the one enforced by the dogmatic terrorizing two-legged religious or secular powers that rule?

 

 

The wonder of the God of Israel (the God of the Nations as well) is that He values the gift of free will in humankind so much so,  that while He sets the standard of what is RIGHT,  yet  He allows that supreme standard to be ignored, if not violated wilfully but not without declared consequences.  Divine justice works in strange ways!  And yet again,  the All Powerful God  judges wisely and mercifully when the violation is out of ignorance of His Law:  ‘unintentional’ sin.  

 

 

Did you know that the purpose of “sacrifices” and “offerings” at the Sanctuary and later at the Temple were only for unintentional sin? Don’t take our word for it, review Exodus and Leviticus or read more carefully if this is your first time.
The ever gracious God of mercy and compassion even provided ‘cities of refuge’ for cases of homicide, unintentional taking of human life; such places provided for by the LawGiver Himself, where fugitives who accidentally killed could run to as sanctuaries of safety from avenging relatives or tribes. What a righteous and wise and merciful God is our Lord YHWH, indeed! 

 

What about intentional wilful sin?  

 

There is no sacrifice for intentional sin.  The requirement for wilful sin, outright disobedience is not substitution of a sacrifice, whether animal or human, substitution for what a sinner himself should be doing for himself!  

 

 

And what is that?  REPENT!

 

 

Recognize wrongdoing, ask forgiveness,  change heart and mind, and turn 180 degrees from the direction you have always or momentarily taken.

 

 Something or somebody else dying for you does not get you off the hook because IT DOES NOT CHANGE YOU!   Only you can make that crucial decision to turn your life around because you can,  because you are not helpless to inherited sin and therefore hopeless and dependent on a ‘savior’. 

 

But back to the reiteration of the Sinai Covenant by the prophet Jeremiah —review the text.  We provide here the ArtScroll Tanach rendering (we add the Tetragrammaton Name after HASHEM):

 

 

[AST]  Jeremiah/Yirmeyahu 31:31-34 
30  Behold, days are coming– the word of HASHEM {YHWH}–when I will seal a new covenant with the House of Israel and with the House of Judah:
31  not like the covenant that I sealed with their forefathers on the day that I took hold of their hand to take them out of the land of Egypt, for they abrogated My covenant, although I became their Master —the word of HASHEM {YHWH].  
32  For this is the covenant that I shall seal with the House of Israel after those days —the word of HASHEM {YHWH}—I will place My Torah within them and I will write it onto their heart; I will be a God for them and they will be a people for Me.
33  They will no longer teach —each man his fellow, each man his brother — saying, ‘know HASHEM {YHWH}!  For all of them will know Me, from their smallest to their greatest—the word of HASHEM {YHWH}—when I will forgive their iniquity and will no longer recall their sin.  
34  Thus said HASHEM {YHWH},  Who gives the sun as a light by day and the laws of the moon and the starts as light by night; Who agitates the sea so that its waves roar;  HASHEM {YHWH}, Master of Legions, is His Name:  
35  If these laws could be removed from before Me–the word of HASHEM {YHWH}–so could the seed of Israel cease from being a people before Me forever.

One final point:  

Was it only in Jeremiah’s time that the the Law-Giver
intended His Torah to be etched in human hearts and minds?  

[EF] Deuteronomy / Davarim11: 18
18  You are  to place these my words
upon your heart
and upon your being;
you are to tie them as a sign on your hand,
let them be as bands between your eyes;
19 you are to teach them to your children,
by speaking of them in your sitting in your house,
in your walking on the way,
in your lying-down, in your rising-up.  
20  You are to write them upon the doorposts of your house,
and on your gates,
in order that your days may be many,
along with the days of your children
on the soil that YHWH swore to your fathers,
to give them  (as long) as the days of the heavens over the earth.  
22 Indeed, if you will keep,
yes, keep all this commandment that I command you to observe,
to love YHWH your God, to walk in his ways and to cling to him,
23 YHWH will dispossess all these nations from before you,
and you will dispossess nations greater and mightier (in number)
than you.
Blessed be the God of Israel,  
the God of all nations,
the God we,  Sinaites,  acknowledge,
love and embrace 
as the One True God.  
Blessed be His holy Name,
YHWH,
 the Name we proudly proclaim
in all reverence and awe!
Amen.

 

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The Sabbath – Its Meaning for Modern Man – Epilogue

[First posted March 20,2013; continuing excerpts from the MUST READ/MUST OWN book featured in  The Sabbath – Its Meaning for Modern Man.  Reformatted and highlighted for this post. — Admin1]

 

 

 

EPILOGUE:  To Sanctify Time

photo-3

Abraham Joshua Heschel’s
THE SABBATH

Pagans project their consciousness of God into a visible image or associate Him with a phenomenon in nature, with a thing of space.  In the Ten Commandments, the Creator of the universe identifies Himself by an event in history, by an event in time, the liberation of the people from Egypt, and proclaims: “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image or any likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth, or that is in the water under the earth.”

 

The most precious thing that has ever been on earth were the Two Tablets of stone which Moses received upon Mount Sinai; they were priceless beyond compare.  He had gone up into the Mount to receive them’ there he abode 40 days and 40 nights; he did neither eat bread nor drink water.  And the Lord delivered unto him the Two tablets of stone, and on them were written the Ten Commandments, the words which the Lord spoke with the people of Israel in the Mount out of the midst of fire.  But when coming down the Mount at the end of 40 days and 40 nights — the Two Tablets in his hands — Moses saw the people dance around the Golden Calf, he cast the Tablets out of his hands and broke them before their eyes.

 

“Every important cult center of Egypt asserted its primacy by the dogma that it was the site of creation.”In contrast, the book of Genesis speaks of the days rather than of the site of creation.2 In the myths there is no reference to the time of creation, whereas the Bible speaks of the creation of space in time.

 

. . . .  The historian Ranke claimed that every age is equally near to God.  Yet Jewish tradition claims that there is a hierarchy of moments within time, that all ages are not alike.  Man prays to God equally at all places, but God does not speak to man equally at all times.  At a certain moment, for example, the spirit of prophecy departed from Israel.

 

Time to us is a measuring device rather than a realm in which we abide.  Our consciousness of it comes about when we begin to compare two events and to notice that one event is later than the other; when listening to a tune we realize that one note follows the other.  Fundamental to the consciousness of time is the distinction between earlier and later.

 

But is time only a relation between events in time?  Is there no meaning to the present moment, regardless of its relation to the past?  Moreover, do we only know what is in time, merely events that have an impact on things of space?  If nothing happened that is related to the world of space, would there be no time?

 

A special consciousness is required to recognize the ultimate significance of time.  We all live it and are so close to being identical with it that we fail to notice it. The world of space surrounds our existence.3 It is but a thing of living, the rest is time.  Things are the shore, the voyage is in time.

 

Existence is never explicable through itself but only through time.  When closing our eyes in moments of intellectual concentration, we are able to have time without space, but we can never have space without time.  To the spiritual eye space is frozen in time, and all things are petrified events.

 

There are two points of view from which time can be sensed:

  •  from the point of view of space and
  • from the point of view of spirit. . . .

—–when we learn to understand that it is the spatial things that are constantly running out, we realize that time is that which never expires, that it is the world of space which is rolling through the infinite expanse of time.  Thus temporality may be defined as the relation of space to time.

 

The boundless continuous but vacuous entity which realistically is called space is not the ultimate form of reality.  Our world is a world of space moving through time — from the Beginning to the End of Days.

 

To the common mind the essence of time is evanescence, temporality.  The truth, however, is that the fact of evanescence flashes upon our minds when poring over things of space.  It is the world of space that communicates to us the sense of temporality. Time, that which is beyond and independent of space, is everlasting; it is the world of space which is perishing. Things perish within time; time itself does not change.  We should not speak of the flow or passage of space through time. It is not time that dies; it is the human body that dies in time.  Temporality is an attribute of the world of space, of things of space.  Time which is beyond space is beyond the division in past, present and future.

 

Monuments of stone are destined to disappear; days of spirit never pass away.  About the arrival of the people at Sinai we read in the Book of Exodus:  “In the 3rd month after the children of Israel were gone forth out of the land of Egypt, on this day they came into the wilderness of Sinai” (19:1). Here was an expression that puzzled the ancient rabbis: on this day? It should have been said:  on that day.  This can only mean that the day of giving the Torah can never become past; that day is this day, every day. The Torah, whenever we study it, must be to us “as if it were given us today.”The same applies to the day of the exodus from Egypt:  “In every age man must see himself as if he himself went out of Egypt.”5

 

The worth of a great day is not measured by the space it occupies in the calendar.  Exclaimed Rabbi Akiba:  “All of time is not as worthy as the day on which the Song of Songs was given to Israel, for all the songs are holy, but the Song of Songs is the holiest of holies.”6

 

In the realm of spirit, there is no difference between a second and a century, between an hour and an age.  Rabbi Judah the Patriarch cried:  “There are those who gain eternity in a lifetime, others who gain it in one brief hour.”One good hour may be worth a lifetime; an instant of returning to God may restore what has been lost in years of escaping from Him.  “Better is one hour of repentance and good deeds in this world than the whole life in the world to come.”8

 

Technical civilization, we have said, is man’s triumph over space.  Yet time remains impervious.  We can overcome distance but can neither recapture the past nor dig out the future.  Man transcends space, and time transcends man.

 

Time is man’s greatest challenge.  We all take part in a procession through its realm which never comes to an end but are unable to gain a foothold in it.  Its reality is apart and away from us.  Space is exposed to our will; we may shape and change the things in space as we please.  Time, however, is beyond our reach, beyond our power.  It is both near and far, intrinsic to all experience and transcending all experience.  It belongs exclusively to God.

 

Time, then, is otherness, a mystery that hovers above all categories.  It is as if time and the mind were a world apart.  Yet, it is only within time that there is fellowship and togetherness  of all beings.

 

Every one of us occupies a portion of space.  He takes it up exclusively.  The portion of space which my body occupies is taken up by myself in exclusion of anyone else.  Yet, no one possesses time.  There is no moment which I possess exclusively.  This very moment belongs to all living men as it belongs to me.  We share time, we own space.  Through my ownership of space, I am a rival of all other beings; through my living in time, I am a contemporary of all other beings.  We pass through time , we occupy space.  We easily succumb to the illusion that the world of space is for our sake, for man’s sake.  In regard to time, we are immune to such an illusion.

 

Immense is the distance that lies between God and a thing.  For a thing is that which has separate or individual existence as distinct from the totality of beings.  To see a thing is to see something which is detached and isolated.  A thing is, furthermore, something which is and can become the possession of man.  Time does not permit an instant to be in and for itself.  Time is either all or nothing.  It cannot be divided except in our minds.  It remains beyond our grasp.  It is almost holy.

 

It is easy to pass by the great sight of eternal time.

 

According to the Book of Exodus, Moses beheld his first vision “in a flame of fire, out of the midst of a bush: and he looked, and, behold, the bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed” (3:2). Time is like an eternal burning bush.  Through each instant must vanish to open the way to the next one, time itself is not consumed.

 

Time has independent ultimate significance; it is of more majesty and more provocative of awe than even a sky studded with stars.  Gliding gently in the most ancient of all splendors, it tells so much more than space can say in its broken language of things, playing symphonies upon the instruments of isolated beings, unlocking the earth and making it happen.

 

Time is the process of creation, and things of space are results of creation.  When looking at space we see the products of creation; when intuiting time we hear the process of creation.  Things of space exhibit a deceptive independence.  They show off a veneer of limited permanence.  Things created conceal the Creator.  It is the dimension of time wherein man meets God, wherein man becomes aware that every instant is an act of creation, a Beginning, opening up new roads for ultimate realizations.  Time is the presence of God in the world of space, and it is within time that we are able to sense the unity of all beings.

 

Creation, we are taught, is not an act that happened once upon a time, once and for ever.  The act of bringing the world into existence is a continuous process.God called the world into being, and that call goes on.  There is this present moment because God is present.  Every instant is an act of creation.  A moment is not a terminal but a flash, a signal of Beginning.  Time is a perpetual innovation, a synonym for continuous creation.  Time is God’s gift to the world of space.

 

A world without time would be a world without God, a world existing in and by itself, without renewal, without a Creator.  A world without time would be a world detached from God, a thing in itself, reality without realization.  A world in time is a world going on through God; realization of an infinite design; not a thing in itself but at a thing for God.

 

To witness the perpetual marvel of the world’s coming into being is to sense the presence of the Giver in the given, to realize that the source of time is eternity, that the secret of being is the eternal within time.

 

We cannot solve the problem of time through the conquest of space, through either pyramids or fame.  We can only solve the problem of time through sanctification of time.  To men alone time is elusive; to men with God time is eternity in disguise.

Creation is the language of God, Time is His song, and things of space the consonants in the song.  To sanctify time is to sing the vowels in unison with Him.

This is the task of men: to conquer space and sanctify time.

 

We must conquer space in order to sanctify time. All week long we are called upon to sanctify life through employing things of space.  On the Sabbath it is given us to share in the holiness that is in the heart of time.  Even when the soul is seared, even when no prayer can come out of our tightened throats, the clean, silent rest of the Sabbath leads us to a realm of endless peace, or to the beginning of an awareness of what eternity means.  There are few ideas in the world of thought which contain so much spiritual power as the idea of the Sabbath.  Aeons hence, when of many of our cherished theories only shreds will remain, that cosmic tapestry will continue to shine.

Eternity utters a day.

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1J.A. Wilson, “Egyptian Myths, Tales and Mortuary Texts” in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p.8.

2The Legend of the eben shetiyah is of post-Biblical origin, cf. Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, V, 14-16.

3See A.J. Heschel, Man is Not Alone, A Philsophy of Religion, p 200.

4Tanhuma, ed. Buber, II, 76; see Rashi to Exodus 19:1.

5Mishnash Pesshim 10, 5.

6Yadayim 3,5.

7Abodah Zarah 10B, 17a, 18a.

8Abot, 4, 22.

9In the daily morning service we read:  “The Lord of marvels, in His goodness He renews the wonders of creation every day, constantly.”  The preservation of the world or the laws that account for the preservation of the world are due to an act of God. “Thou art the Lord, even Thou alone; Thou has made heaven, the heaven of heavens with all their hosts, the earth and all things that are thereon, the seas and all that is in them, and IThou preservest them all(Nehemiah 9:6). “How manifold are Thy works, O Lord . . . All of them wait for Thee, that Thou mayest give them their food in due season . . . Thou hidest Thy face, they vanish . . . Thou sendest forth Thy spirit, they  are created” (Psalms 104:24,27,29,30).  Note the present tense in Isaiah 48:13; 42:5; see also, 48:7.  Job 34:14-16; Kuzari, 3, 11.  On seeing the wonders of nature we pray:  “Blessed art Thou .v. . who performs the wonders of creation” (Mishnah Berachot 9,2; see the opinion of Resh Laqish, Hagigah 12b and RAshi ad locum).  The idea of continuous creation seems to have been the theme of an ancient controversy.  According to the School of Shammai, the benediction over the lights which is said at the outgoing of the Sabbath is: “Blessed art Thou who created the lights of fire”; whereas, according to the school of Hillel, we recite:  “Blessed art Thou . . . who creates the lights of fire” (Mishnah Berachot 7,5); see Joseph Salomo Delmedigo, Ta’alumot Hakmah, Nobelot Hokmah, Basel 1629, p. 94.

 

The Sabbath – Its Meaning for Modern Man – Prologue

 

Image from amazon.com

Image from amazon.com/Wood Engraving done by Ilya Schor Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York.

[First posted  March 20, 2013; one of our favorite authors whom we feature over and over in this website.—Admin1]

 

 

One of my most worn-out books— from thumbing through over and over and highlighting almost from top to bottom page after page—-is another GREAT and short pamphlet-length book by my favorite Jewish philosopher Abraham Joshua Heschel.  For the longest time, I thought we had already posted this particular work on this website, only to discover we had not.  So, here it is . . . I wish I could just quote all of it word for word, but ‘not allowed’ plus you would greatly benefit from having your own copy, this is not only a MUST READ but more so a MUST OWN.

 

If you look at the cover design, the centerpiece appears to be the Tree of Life, but designed like a Menorah with 6 branches and the center branch (the servant light).  

 

The message we must not miss is this: the Tree of Life (Torah)/Menorah (Light/Israel and YHWH’s revelation) symbolism are all intertwined, yet the Sabbath, later legislated as the 4th commandment in the Decalogue, precedes all! The 7th day rest was modeled by the Creator Himself as the culmination after  Creation ‘week’ before any commandment to mankind was even issued.

 

It is claimed that the Christian Son-God Jesus did away with the Sabbath, but when you think of it, he was a Jew and would never have violated it.  It is Christianity (NT and Councils of men) that shifted to Sunday to commemorate the resurrection of its acclaimed divine-human Savior; well-intentioned perhaps, let’s give them the benefit of the doubt but nevertheless a violation of the one commandment not only enshrined in the 10, but observed by the Creator Himself as early as Bereshiyth 2:1-3. 

 

How important is the Sabbath to the Creator?  Sabbath precedes Law.  Sabbath reiterated in Law. There is divine reason for the Sabbath and AJHeschel explains it best.

 

We will feature here only excerpts from the Prologue and Epilogue, and urge you to secure your copy. It is also worthwhile to get other books by AJH, namely:  The Wisdom of Heschel; A Passion for Truth; Israel: An Echo of Eternity; The Insecurity of Freedom; Who is Man?; Theology of Ancient Judaism (2 volumes); The Earth is the Lord’s; Man’s Quest for God; God in Search of Man; Man is Not Alone; Maimonides; Abrvanel; The Quest for Certainty in Saadia’s Philosophy; The Prophets, and Moral Grandeur and Spiritual Audacity.

 

Highlighted and reformatted for post. —NSB@S6K.

 

 

 

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CONTENTS

Prologue:  Architecture of Time

One

I.  A Palace in Time

II.  Beyond Civilization

Two

III.  The Splendor of Space

IV.  Only Heaven and Nothing Else?

VI.  The Presence of a Day

Three

VII.  Eternity Utters a Day

VIII.  Intuitions of Eternity

IX.  Holiness in Time

X.  Thou Shalt Covet

Epilogue:  To Sanctify Time

NOTES

Excerpts from PROLOGUE

Technical civilization is man’s conquest of space.  It is a triumph frequently achieved by sacrificing an essential ingredient of existence, namely, time.  In technical civilization, we expend time to gain space.  To enhance our power in the world of space is our main objective.  Yet to have more does not mean to be more.  The power we attain in the world of space terminates abruptly at the borderline of time.  But time is the heart of existence.

 

To gain control of the world of space is certainly one of our tasks.  The danger begins when in gaining power in the realm of space we forfeit all aspirations in the realm of time.  There is a realm of time where the goal is—-

  • not to have but to be,
  • not to own but to give,
  • not to control but to share,
  • not to subdue but to be in accord.

 Life goes wrong when the control of space, the acquisition of things of space, becomes our sole concern.

 

Nothing is more useful than power, nothing more frightful.  We have often suffered from degradation by poverty, now we are threatened with degradation through power.  There is happiness in the love of labor, there is misery in the love of gain. Many hearts and pitchers are broken at the fountain of profit.  Selling himself into slavery to things, man becomes a utensil that is broken at the fountain.

 

Technical civilization stems primarily from the desire of man to subdue and manage the forces of nature.  The manufacture of tools, the art of spinning and farming, the building of houses, the craft of sailing —all this goes on in man’s spatial surroundings.  The mind’s preoccupation with things of space affects, to this day, all activities of man.

 

Even religions are frequently dominated by the notion that the deity resides in space, within particular localities like mountains, forests, trees or stones, which are, therefore, singled out as holy places; the deity is bound to a particular land; holiness a quality associated with things of space and the primary question is:  Where is the god?  There is much enthusiasm for the idea that God is present in the universe, but that idea is taken to mean His presence in space rather than in time, in nature rather than in history; as if He were a thing, not a spirit. . . .

 

. . . . We are all infatuated with the splendor of space, with the grandeur of things of space.  Thing is a category that lies heavy on our minds, tyrannizing all our thoughts.  Our imagination tends to mold all concepts in its image.  In our daily lives we attend primarily to that which the senses are spelling out for us: to what the eyes perceive, to what the fingers touch.  Reality to us is thinghood, consisting of substances that occupy space; even God is conceived by most of us as a thing.

 

The result of our thinginess is our blindness to all reality that fails to identify itself as a thing, as a matter of fact.  This is obvious in our understanding of time, which, being thingless and insubstantial, appears to us as if it had no reality.

 

Indeed, we know what to do with space but do not know what to do about time, except to make it subservient to space.  Most of us seem to labor for the sake of things of space.  As a result we suffer from a deeply rooted dread of time and stand aghast when compelled to look into its face.  Time to us is sarcasm, a slick treacherous monster with a jaw like a furnace incinerating every moment of our lives.  Shrinking, therefore, from facing time, we escape for shelter to things of space.  The intentions we are unable to carry out we deposit in space; possessions become the symbols of our repressions, jubilees of frustrations.  But things of space are not fireproof; they only add fuel to the flames.  Is the joy of possession an antidote to the terror of time which grows to be a dread of inevitable death?  Things, when magnified, are forgeries of happiness, they are a threat to our very lives; we are more harassed than supported by the Frankensteins of spatial things.

 

It is impossible for man to shirk the problem of time. The more we think the more we realize; we cannot conquer time through space.  We can only master time in time.

 

The higher goal of spiritual living is not to amass a great wealth of information, but to face sacred moments. In a religious experience, for example, it is not a thing that imposes itself on man but a spiritual presence.  What is retained in the soul is the moment of insight rather than the place where the act came to pass.  A moment of insight is a fortune, transporting us beyond the confines of measured time.  Spiritual life begins to decay when we fail to sense the grandeur of what is eternal in time.

 

. . . . Time and space are interrelated.  To overlook either of them is to be partially blind. What we plead against is man’s unconditional surrender to space, his enslavement to things.

 

We must forget that it is not a thing the leads significance to a moment; it is the moment that lends significance to things.

 

The Bible is more concerned—

  • with time than with space.
  • It sees the world in the dimension of time.  
  • It pays more attention to generations, to events, than to countries, to things;
  • it is more concerned with history than with geography.  

To understand the teaching of the Bible, one must accept its premise that time has a meaning for life which is at least equal to that of space; that time has a significance and sovereignty of its own.

 

There is no equivalent for the word “thing” in biblical Hebrew.  The word davar,” which in later Hebrew came to denote thing, means in biblical Hebrew: speech, word, message; report;tidings; advice; request; promise; decision; sentence; theme, story; saying, utterance; business,occupation; acts; good deeds; events; way, manner, reason, cause; but never “thing.”  Is this a sign of linguistic povert, or rather an indication of an unwarped view of the world, of not equating reality (derived from the Latin word res, thing) with thinghood?

 

One of the most important facts in the history of religion was the transformation of agricultural festivals into commemorations of historical events. The festivals of ancient peoples were intimately linked with nature’s seasons.  They celebrated what happened in the life of nature in the respective seasons. . . . To Israel the unique events of historic time were spiritually more significant than the repetitive processes in the cycle of nature, even though physical sustenance depended on the latter.  While the deities of other people were associated with places or things, the God of Israel was the God of events:

  • the Redeemer from slavery,
  • the Revealer of the Torah,

—-manifesting Himself in events of history rather than in things or places.

. . . . Unlike the space-minded man to whom time is unvaried, iterative, homogeneous, to whom all hours are alike, qualitiless, empty shells, the Bible senses the diversified character of time.  There are no two hours alike.  Every hour is unique and the only one given at the moment, exclusive and endlessly precious.

 

. . . . The Sabbaths are our great cathedrals; and our Holy of Holies is a shrine that neither the Romans nor the Germans were able to burn; a shrine that even apostasy cannot easily obliterate; the Day of Atonement.

 

. . . . In the Bible, words are employed with exquisite care, particularly those which, like pillars of fire, lead the way in the far-flung system of the biblical world of meaning.

 

One of the most distinguished words in the Bible is the word qadosh, holy; a word which more than any other representative of the mystery and majesty of the divine.  Now what was the first holy object in the history of the world?  Was it a mountain?  Was it an altar?

 

It is, indeed, a unique occasion at which the distinguished word qadosh is used for the first time:  in the Book of Genesis at the end of the story of creation.  How extremely significant is the fact that it is applied to time:  “And God blessed the seventh day and made it holy.” There is no reference in the record of creation to any object in space that would be endowed with the quality of holiness.

 

That is a radical departure from accustomed religious thinking. The mythical mind would expect that, after heaven and earth have been established, God would create a holy place—a holy mountain or a holy spring—whereupon a sanctuary is to be established.  Yet it seems as if to the Bible it is holiness in time, the Sabbath, which comes first.

 

When history began, there was only one holiness in the world, holiness in time.  When at Sinai the word of God was about to be voiced, a call for holiness in man was proclaimed:  “Thou shalt be unto me a holy people.” It was only after the people had succumbed to the temptation of worshipping a thing, a golden calf, that the essentials of the Tabernacle, of holiness in space, was commanded.  

  • The sanctity of time came first,
  • the sanctity of man came second,
  • and the sanctity of space last.

Time was hallowed by God; space, the Tabernacle, was consecrated by Moses.

While the festivals celebrate events that happened in time, the date of the month assigned for each festival in the calendar is determined by the life in nature. Passover and the Feast of Booths, for example, coincide with the full moon, and the date of all festivals is a day in the month, and the month is a reflection of what goes on periodically in the realm of nature, since the Jewish month begins with the new moon, with the reappearance of the lunar crescent in the evening sky.

 

In contrast, the Sabbath is entirely independent of the month and unrelated to the moon. Its date is not determined by any event in nature, such as the new moon, but by the act of creation.  Thus the essence of the Sabbath is completely detached from the world of space.

 

The meaning of the Sabbath is to celebrate time rather than space.  Six days a week we live under the tyranny of things of space; on the Sabbath we try to become attuned to holiness in time.

 

 It is a day on which we are called upon

  • to share in what is eternal in time,
  • to turn from results of creation to the mystery of creation;
  • from the world of creation to the creation of the world.

Next: Epilogue